National Re-Launch Young Communist League - 12-14 December 2003 - Volume 2

Young Communist League South Africa National Re-launching Congress

December 12-14, 2003, Vaal Technikon

Volume 2: Discussion Documents

Fight for Socialism, Crush Capitalism

YCL to the Front

Table of contents

The future belongs to us ? draft manifesto statement
Building socialism ? strategic perspectives
Building the youth movement
Approach on leadership question
The future belongs to us - Draft Manifesto Statement of the Young Communist League of South Africa

Preamble

We, the young people of South Africa who believe in communism as the most liberatory cause for humankind, under the banner of the Young Communist League of South Africa, re-established on the 12th December 2003 in Vanderbijlpark, in Gauteng Province, hereby declare for our country and the world to know:

• That capitalism, which is the most dominant system in the world, continues to be the most unequal social system of modern society. In its current world economic formation capitalism does not only widen further the gap between the rich and the poor within and among countries of the world, but continuously reproduces poverty for the majority of mankind, and yet large volumes of wealth for the few. The development of the productive forces in the form of advanced scientific and technological amenities, which could be used in finding solutions for problems that beset mankind, is not used for the good of mankind, but, instead, for the extraction of more profits by the monopoly capital. Never has the world witnessed the accumulation of such huge volumes of wealth, as it is the case presently.
• The most basic contradiction of the capitalist mode of production continues to be between labour and capital. The socialization of production on one hand and the concentration of means of production and wealth in gradually fewer private hands are at a higher level than ever. The profit motive is the driving rule of capitalism, and exploitation and the impoverishment of the working class and is the resultant effect. Economic production is not designed to meeting social needs of the people, but it is for maximization of profits.
• That the global institutions, UN, World Bank, IMF and WTO, have been greatly shaped and influenced by the (capitalist) interests of the powerful developed North. Whilst the underdeveloped countries of the South are put at the receiving end of the neo-liberal policies. In the recent past imperialist aggressiveness has grown in all sectors: the economy, working relations, social policy, the political system, ideology and culture. Thus the world has witnessed the toll in the implementation of US led imperialist policies, of aggressive militarism, unilateralism and regime changes. All in the name of strengthening the hold of the capitalist forces over the globe.
• South Africa remains, essentially, a capitalist society, characterized by the legacy of more than three centuries of colonial and apartheid rule, which continues to define the living conditions of the poor black masses and the working class. The capitalist accumulation regime that continues to be underway in our country is responsible for the further reproduction of social inequalities and poverty for the wretched. This is despite the progressive changes that have been introduced by our ANC Government since the historic 1994 April democratic breakthrough. The ANC Government has, in the past 10 years, promulgated and implemented a progressive constitutional and social policy regime on areas such as social security, labour laws and basic services.
• Young men and women continue to bear the brunt of such social ills as mass unemployment and poverty, lack of access to education and training, communicable diseases such as HIV/AIDS, and other social phenomena of misery arising from underdevelopment. It is our deep conviction that capitalism does not have sustainable solutions to social problems facing the working class youth.

We shall therefore strive for a socialist, and classless, communist society, in which the ideals and needs of our young people shall be fully realized as we define hereunder;

Our Approach towards and Vision of SocialismThe most basic contradiction in society is the class struggle. The class formation and the class struggle owe their existence to the private ownership of the means of production. A socialist revolution, therefore, differs from all other revolutions in world history as it sets out to abolish private ownership of the means of production and all forms of oppression. The systems of slavery, feudalism and capitalism are all based on the private ownership of the means of production, and on oppression and exploitation of one class by another. Thus, capitalist relations of production developed even before the bourgeoisie had achieved political power. But the development of socialist relations, which will bring an end to the system of economic exploitation, cannot begin until the working class and its allies have won political power. While the material basis for socialism is created by capitalism itself, socialist relations of production are realised only after a political revolution.

The fundamental question of any socialist revolution is the winning of political power by the working class, in alliance with other progressive forces among the people. The working class then sets out to eliminate private property and exploitation by achieving public ownership and democratic control of the means of production. Thus it (the working class) distributes the power it has won to the rest of society until it ceases to be a ruling class itself, as a classless, communist society gets established.

Socialism is a transitional social system between capitalism and a fully classless, communist society. The socialist transition may well be of long duration. The transition may also be marked by contradictions, stagnation and major reverses. History is never a smooth process, nor does it have a guaranteed outcome.

Socialism is essentially about working class hegemony, and it is characterised by four core features:

• Democracy,
• Equality,
• Freedom, and
• The socialisation of the predominant part of the economy.

Each of these core features is important, and they are all interrelated and interdependent.

The slogan; "Socialism is the future, build it now!" captures the programmatic perspectives of the South African Communist Party (SACP), our Political Party, in the most accurate and imaginative way. We believe the struggle for socialism is more relevant than ever, and that there is no Chinese wall between consolidating the National Democratic Revolution and at the same time struggling for socialism. We shall work tirelessly to build elements and consciousness of, and the momentum towards socialism today.

We shall therefore mobilise, educate and organise young people against the system of capitalism and behind the socialist vision of the SACP. The attainment of socialism must lead to an uninterrupted movement towards a classless, communist society.

Consolidating and Deepening the National Democratic Revolution: Forward to the second decade of freedom!

The National Democratic Revolution (NDR), whose strategic objective continues to be the creation of a truly nonracial, nonsexist, democratic and prosperous South Africa is the most direct rout to socialism under the concrete conditions of our country. The Freedom Charter continues to be the basic summary of the national democratic goals. And the Reconstruction and Development Programme are a programmatic concretisation and elaboration of the Freedom Charter.

The working class, because of its (social) location at production sites, numbers and organisation, and since it stand to benefit from the success of the NDR, is the most resolute and capable class to can lead the democratic revolution to its logical conclusion. The class interests and the leadership of the working class should always be safeguarded and advanced in both theoretical and practical terms in and for the NDR.

It is partly the working class bias and leadership that makes the NDR not only (dialectically) linked to socialism, but also an integral part of building socialism in South Africa.

The black young men and women have borne the brunt of apartheid policies and rule. The eradication of the legacy of apartheid will go a long way in ending the misery of black youth. A sustainable development of youth is not possible under capitalism, thus a socialist society will usher in a social system in which the interests and ideals of young people shall be fully realized.

The relationship between the struggle for socialism and the NDR is that of a relationship between the national and class questions as they interplay in our South African social reality: the connection between the national oppression and class (economic) exploitation. It is a relationship of the immediate and the longer-term interests of the working class.

The NDR brings to its fold a broad variety of class forces, some with even class interests not only different, but also contradictory (the working class and the emerging black bourgeoisie for instance), the working class bias and leadership is, therefore, not anything to be taken for granted, particularly by communists. The leadership of, and bias towards the working class should equally not be to the detriment of the unity of the national democratic revolutionary forces. The character of any revolution is determined by objective realities and not by the wishes of individuals or parties. In our situation, the unity-in-action of the formerly oppressed and democratic forces around the basic national democratic goals constitutes the most powerful revolutionary weapon against monopoly capitalist class.

The final attainment of the strategic objectives of the NDR unite the overwhelming majority of strata and sectors of the formerly oppressed: black workers, the landless rural masses, the intelligentsia, cultural workers, sections of black business, youth, women, religious communities, sports people and others. The success of the NDR is also in the long-term interest of white workers, small farmers and middle strata who, together, make up the bulk of the white population.

The stranglehold of a small number of white monopoly capitalists over the great bulk of our country's wealth and resources is based on colonial dispossession and reproduces racial underdevelopment. This concentration of wealth and power perpetuates the super-exploitation of millions of black workers. It perpetuates the separate plight of millions of the landless rural poor. And it blocks the advance of black business and other sectors of the oppressed. This reality, therefore, forms the basis of the anti-monopoly content of the national democratic programme.

The NDR is therefore not only uncomfortable about capitalism, but also anti-capitalism, although not in the most fundamental way of radically reconstituting society along new class lines.

In our conditions in which the legacy of national oppression and economic exploitation are inextricably linked, there can, at the end of the day, be no fundamental liberation without full economic emancipation; without the advance to a socialist and communist future. To achieve this, the South African working class - and black workers in particular - must play a leading and hegemonic role in the NDR.

The principal strategic contradiction of the current phase of the NDR lies in the fact that social progress as being advanced by the ANC Government, since 1994, continues to be circumscribed and contraindicated by the capitalist accumulation regime, that continues to be underway in our country, and reinforced by the hostile global capitalism.We shall therefore, in theory articulate and elaborate, and in practice strive for the consolidation and deepening of the democratic gains, for a rapid advance towards socialism and communism ultimately;

Youth for Socialism, and Socialism for Youth

Young people are not only the future of mankind, but are an important motor-force to bring about radical social transformation in favour of the working class and the poor. Their future shall be mostly secured and developmental under a system that is mostly humane, just, rational and democratic as socialism.

Socialism is a social system based on the needs of the people, particular the working class who constitute the majority of our population. The aspirations of the South African youth are to be best served under socialism. Hence it is therefore a system in whose creation they must be involved.We therefore tabulate the following basic aspirations and goals for the development of young people, which shall be realized as we march towards, and under socialism

Youth DevelopmentWe regard youth development as an all-round and comprehensive process whereby the rights, aspirations, the ideals and interests of young women and men are promoted, protected and advanced; it includes, first and foremost, the creation of a social environment in which youth development itself can be inevitable.

The development of youth is therefore about ensuring that young women and men are able to improve their skills, talents and abilities, as well as extend their intellectual, physical and emotional capacities; it includes the opportunity for young women and men to express themselves and to live full lives in all social, political, cultural, economic and spiritual spheres. Youth development also refers to engaging young women and men in development activities as participants in the decision-making processes and as beneficiaries. We shall therefore strive to ensure that the social ideological, political system and the general social culture and practice embrace this trajectory of youth development.

Youth and the Economy

The South African economy shall be transformed in a manner that links development and growth on an on-going basis. This is in order to address the deep-seated structural faults in the economy such as mass unemployment and a skills crisis. The property relations shall be reconfigured along socialist principles. This shall include building a public sector dominated economy, formulating and implementing labour intensive industrial policies for all sector of the economy and building a viable cooperative sector.

Young people shall therefore be educated trained in fields suitable to the needs of the economy so that their employability is enhanced. A strong, viable cooperative sector shall be build along with a supporting social environment for youth involvement in the sector. Small businesses shall be promoted not for bourgeois profit maximization purposes and the resultant exploitation but for generating income in pursuit of sustainable livelihoods for all.

Economic rights of young people shall be protected and advanced by all concerned. The state shall therefore, in this regard, create effective and efficient institutional mechanisms to monitor, advance and protect the economic rights of youth. These rights shall include protection against such negative practices as child labour and discriminating against youth on the grounds of age for employment.

Youth and Education and Training

The education and training system shall in content, be in keeping with socialist principles and values of collectivism, egalitarianism, equality and community service. The skills to be acquired from such an education system are those relevant to a modern people?s and socialist economy. Increasing the education budget shall be done to enhance the responsibility of state to educate and train. Further and higher education shall be free all young people through subsidies and merit bursaries. The organisational system of education and training shall be about equality and uniformity and thus doing away, gradually, with the private system of education.

Youth and Health

The state shall once more improve its capacity with regards to making health services more efficient and effective in relation to reaching out to all. Deadly deceases such as HIV/AIDS shall receive priority attention through comprehensive programmes that cover prevention, treatment, research, and social rights and all other all other relevant areas.

Youth and Justice

The justice system shall transformed to more effective and efficient in combating crime and corruption. The needs and rights of vulnerable sectors such as women, the elderly and youth shall be incorporated into the criminal and justice statutes and in the state culture and practices of justice and crime prevention and combating. Effective mechanisms that nullify myths of viewing young people as merely being perpetrators, particularly in crime syndicates, of crime shall be implemented. The rights and needs of youth as victims of crime shall be protected and promoted by all relevant state institutions.

The juvenile criminal and justice system shall be rehabilitative and educational both in terms of instilling humane moral values and vocational industry based skills.

All justice and law enforcing agencies shall be given capacity to can be able to create a fully safe, secure, peaceful and harmonious environment for all citizens

Youth and Environment

The youth shall be thought, through mandatory and other forms of programmes, to preserve and conserve the environment and all natural heritages. All production process that degrade and harm the environment shall be made unlawful. Production processes shall therefore be about the sustainable development of human society and preservation of the environment in an interwoven manner. The right to hygiene and a decease-free environment shall be promoted and protected

Youth, and Sports and Recreation

The rights of youth to engage in sporting and recreational activities shall be enshrined in the statute books. The state shall create all the necessary conditions for these rights to be realized; building all the necessary sports and recreational facilities, ensuring the establishment competent sports and recreation bodies for the smooth and proper administration of sports and recreation.

All young people shall have equal access to all sporting codes. And all sporting codes shall be equitably promoted as part of building a united, socialist and healthy society and advancing towards communism.

Youth and Women Emancipation

The moral supremacy of communism lies in the fact that it arbores all discriminatory, exploitative and oppressive social beliefs and practices. Patriarchy and gender oppression owe their existence private property. Whist this is the case we cannot be deterministic and reductionist in our approach by assuming that the abolition of private property will automatically lead to the emancipation of women. History has proved that it is an illusion to believe that the emancipation of women will be an automatic spin-off of the democratic or a socialist revolution. The emancipation of women has to be a product of conscious, focused and practical struggles within context broader revolutionary struggles for genuine national liberation and socialism.

The plight and the living conditions of young women shall receive adequate and focused attention in all spheres of society: the economy, working relations, social policy, the political system, ideology, education, sports, culture. This approach shall seek to ensure equitable representation of women in bodies and in processes of decision-making. It is also about promoting and advancing women?s needs and aspirations in all social institutions and spheres, and equally ensures that the social environment is enabling for a gendered approach to all social issues. High gender emancipatory standards shall be integrated to social systems and on-going social development.

Youth, and Culture and Ideology

We shall consciously and consistently contest and critique the bourgeois ideology in its modern form of a neo-liberal ideological ferment that seeks to instill in young people values of individualism, consumerism, selfish materialism, care-free, depolitisisation and social withdrawal of youth. We shall constantly educate, mobilize and organise youth into a movement of values of egalitarianism, collectivism and social responsibility in defense of the democratic gains and in advancing towards socialism and a classless, communist society ultimately.

Inspired by the moral supremacy of communism, driven by faith in human spirit and the belief that socialism shall triumph, we shall spare no drop of our energies until the socialist ideals here setout are realised!

Crush Capitalism, build SOCIALISM!

Young Men and Women of South Africa Arise!

Building Socialism: Strategic Perspectives of the YCL

Introduction

The Young Communist League of South Africa (YCL-S.A) is a youth formation of the South African Communist Party (SACP). Therefore, its Strategic Perspectives are essentially those of the SACP. The chief task of the YCL-S.A consists in mobilising, politicising and organising the youth in this country behind the Programme of the SACP for the completion of the National Democratic Revolution and the carrying out of a socialist revolution towards socialism and, ultimately, communism. Such a great task, national in form, but international in substance, as Marxism has always pointed out, can only be successfully carried out on the basis of a clear Programme and a well-defined Strategy and Tactics. For Marxists a Programme is not a Bible, but a manual for action as one leading Marxist once put it. For a Programme to be a living expression of the historic interests of a class it must be accompanied by, and implemented through, a strategy and tactics deriving from the constantly changing conditions of struggle both nationally and internationally. Such a strategy and tactics must provide a clear, scientific summations of the experiences of the working class at every particular period, draw the fundamental lessons from that period and, correctly estimating the balance of forces, chart the way forward. Thus, the Programme is enriched, some of its parts jettisoned, new ones incorporated - amended - new forms of struggle and organisation identified and utilised, new demands and slogans put forward, etc., etc, in short, a clear orientation worked out and a definite line of march embarked upon.

Over the rest of progressive organisations, particularly youth organisations, the YCL has this great advantage; it rests on their shoulders. At a time of untold ideological wavering in all sorts of directions, the YCL unswervingly adheres to the revolutionary doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. It is the only organisation in the country today that upholds the Dictatorship of the Proletariat as the cardinal element of Marxism-Leninism. Precisely because of this, the YCL is far better placed in formulating its own strategy and tactics for deepening the NDR and carrying out the socialist revolution. Its task in this regard consists in contributing towards straightening out and enriching certain aspects in the programme and strategy and tactics (Strategic Perspectives and Medium-Term Vision) of the Party.

Key foundation of a strategy of tactics

1.1 International situation

One of the objective constraints to the pursuit of the NDR is imperialism. The Party has pointed out this many times in order to base its programme on concrete realities prevailing at international level. Failure to do so, again as the Party has repeatedly warned, runs the risk of two dangers, opportunist submission to imperialism or reckless confrontation with it. Furthermore, the Party has correctly characterised 'globalisation' as essentially imperialism, albeit with certain new features. Consequently, any strategy and tactics must flow from this understanding. Moreover, the Party has demonstrated profound changes imperialism-globalisation has undergone within a short space of time and drawn attention to them as opening up better opportunities for waging the class struggle. Needless to say some of these changers were due to class struggle, itself. To this extent, hegemony of neo-liberalism on economic and political questions has lost much ground. At the same time, struggles by workers, peasants, social movements, etc., against 'globalisation are continuing. In addition to various anti-globalisation demonstrations and pickets against the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation in many instances, new mass challenges to the policies of these imperialist organs are sweeping across Latin America. As the National Consultative Conference pointed out, the international balance of forces is no longer that unfavourable. In fact, it is definitely changing for the better. The crisis and collapse of Neo-liberalism are underway, socialism is on the rise! However, ideological and organisational weaknesses still remain a major stumbling block towards a successful exploitation of opportunities that emerge now and then.

1.2 National situation

The democratic break-through of 1994 and the ensuing national-democratic transformation are the first key defining features of present-day South Africa. Secondly, and in many ways related to the first, the democratic movement, particularly the Tri-Partite alliance, still enjoys massive political and organisational hegemony among the masses in the country. Democracy and transformation are very much synonymous with the democratic movement, an ANC-led Alliance and an ANC-led government. Therefore, the balance of forces on national terrain is favourable for accelerating the NDR and beginning a socialist transformation.

Thirdly, current political and organisational strengths and weaknesses of the working class are very important towards understanding the period we are passing through. Despite many achievements, the working class still suffers from many political and organisational weaknesses, which constrain its ability to consistently shape transformation in its own interests. The objective and subjective bases of these weaknesses have been analysed at length in various contributions from within the ranks the Party and COSATU. It is generally concluded that the working class has borne most of the brunt of the neo-liberal macro-economic policy in place in the country since the late 1990s. It was mainly in response to this unbearable economic situation that the working class has engaged in very heroic and sustained class struggles on a massive scale in the last few years. Taken as a whole these struggles, including two anti-privatisation General Strikes, have defined the period we have just passed through, i.e., from 2 000 to 2 002, as a mass strike period.

Nevertheless, the 8th National Congress of COSATU has openly accepted temporary defeat of the working class. The 2015 Plan embodies both this admission and a re-armament strategy and tactics. So does the Party? s MTV. The YCL is being re-launched in this context and must appreciate it fully in discussing a strategy and tactics. This is more important for the YCL as it is the working class youth in particular that is paying the heaviest price of capitalist barbarism on the one hand, and weaknesses of the working class movement on the other. The kind of political-ideological-organisational disarray bedeviling the youth movement bears testimony to this. It is highly commendable of the YCL that even at this embryonic stage it has begun to play an energetic role in the Progressive Youth Alliance and other youth forums. A clear strategy and tactics will, thus, assist put this intervention and many others the YCL will embark on, on a higher plane.

2. The NDR and the socialist revolution - a brief historical background

2.1 Some theoretical considerations and lessons from practical experience

The National Democratic Revolution and the struggle for socialism

Recent sharp class struggles have thrown up lots of controversy around the NDR. Theories of yesteryear were have been found wanting. The NDR as a theory and a strategy has come under serious scrutiny. Of interest here is not so much whether the South African revolution was from the beginning a socialist revolution or one with two stages, first national-democratic, then socialist. That discussion belongs somewhere else. Of contention here is the very nature of a National-Democratic Revolution itself. It is therefore absolutely necessary that we recap on how the Party has all along understood the nature of the NDR and its relationship to the socialist revolution.

At its inception, the Party was predominantly white, base among the revolutionary white intelligentsia and white workers. At the same time, it was affiliated to the Communist International. So, its conception of the South African revolution was shaped its origins, the prevailing situation in the country and its being part of the CI. Generally, the Party line was that the white working class was the vanguard of the revolution as it was already waging major class battles and also far better organised both in trade unions and the Party itself. In achieving a socialist South Africa, the white working class would, thereby, resolve the national question affecting blacks. However, the intensification of resistance to national oppression and the deepening of class struggle, to which corresponded higher levels of political consciousness and better forms of organisation, brought the national question and the class identity of black workers to the fore. Furthermore, the erstwhile core-class base of the Party, the white workers, started to disintegrate as it was being drawn into the ruling class camp, particularly after the 1922 Rand Revolt. Consequently, the Party started to ?Africanise? itself. With the national, colonial and semi-colonial question occupying centre-stage in debates within the CI and its affiliates, including the CPSA, this ?Africanisation? took a further step forward. Strongly influenced by the CI, but also in the context of its own political evolution, the CPSA adopted the Black Republic Theses in 1928. It is important to note that the pursuit of a similar line in China in 1925-27 was one of the key contributing factors to the heavy, bloody defeat of the working class, the peasantry and, above all, the Communist Party, by the Nationalist Movement/Party, the Kuomintang. Similar bloody defeats were to occur later on as the 20th Century progressed, perhaps, the worst being Indo-China and Iraq. Of course, the Party changed its strategy and tactics many times in the 1930s and afterwards. For example, another, totally different, replaced the 1928 Black Republic Theses Resolution (in 1949?) going against the entire perspective of 1928. This evolution took another turn with the adoption of Colonialism of a Special Type. While the leading role of the working in the NDR was re-affirmed, the vanguard role of the Party was seriously compromised and the question of the conquest of political power by the working, under the leadership of the Party, was completely abandoned. Thus the very leading role of the working class in the NDR was also compromised. Slovo? s article of 1988 re-affirmed this confusion. These contentions will be demonstrated below.

First, is a well-known fact that classes play their roles in history through political parties in the main. Second, Marxism correctly points out that classes play their roles in history mainly through political parties, i.e., in the final analysis, all political parties, organisations and movements, despite their declarations, sometimes to the contrary, represent definite class interests. Third, and flowing from the above, in order to play its historical role in class struggle and consistently lead other classes in various stages and/or phases towards socialism it can only when organised into a communist party. In short, a communist party must or strive to lead at all times!

In "Two Tactics of Social-Democracy in the Democratic Revolution" Lenin argues for the leading role of the working class in the bourgeois-democratic revolution under way in Russia. Even more important is his view that the working class party, the Russian Social-Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), must organise the working class to play this role. Without the RSDLP carrying out this task, i.e., playing a leading role in the bourgeois-democratic revolution, there can be no talk of the working class leading. He says without the RSDLP leading the revolution, the working class would not play a leading role, but just a major role under the leadership of political parties of other classes. In short, the working class would tail-end under other classes, its political-ideological independence would be compromised and its class interests would take the back-stage. Moreover, the bourgeoisie and/or the petit-bourgeoisie, itself, would compromise the bourgeois revolution. According to Lenin, Marxism has always held that the bourgeoisie (and the petit-bourgeoisie) betrays even its own interests; it betrays even its own revolution! Hence, the proletariat, through its own political party, must lead the bourgeois revolution despite and against the treacherous bourgeoisie and the vacillating petit-bourgeoisie! That is the only way of ensuring that the bourgeois revolution is radical enough in the interests of the working class such that the working class could as soon as possible begin the socialist revolution. Thirdly, the proletariat must aim at conquering state power. Under no circumstances should it allow other classes, its allies, take state power exclusively for themselves! If such a scenario arises, it must not be as a result of the proletariat foregoing the conquest of power and the need for a joint-revolutionary government with its allies, but because circumstances beyond the control of the proletariat imposed such an outcome. Fourthly, participation in any non-communist government by communists should be based on strict control by the communist party, i.e., such representatives are primarily accountable to the communist party. Any other approach is downright opportunism and harmful to the communist party and the entire cause of the working class.

Contributions of the Communist International on the ND

During the revolutionary period of the CI, i.e., the period covering its first four Congresses, strategy and tactics in relation to colonial, semi-colonial and national struggles were formulated along the line advocated by Lenin in "Two Tactics?.". Furthermore, they were enriched by the experience of the Russian Revolution of 1917. Even more important were lessons drawn from concrete struggles in the colonies and semi-colonies. The CI defined the basic tasks of the NDR as follows:-

• Political independence
• Political democracy, including workers? rights
• Agrarian reform
• Social reform -

It further defined the driving social forces (motive forces), and their respective roles, as follows:

• The national bourgeoisie - tiny minority, camprador, pro-imperialist, reactionary, some sections progressive and patriotic
• The petit-bourgeoisie - numerically weak, but growing, in some cases numerically strong, economically and socially unstable, politically vacillating and inconsistent, consisting of both revolutionary and reformist tendencies
• The peasantry - overwhelming majority, same as the petit-bourgeoisie in every respect
• The working class - numerically small, but growing, concentrated in key sectors of the economy, revolutionary, beginning to struggle and organise independently, leading or soon to lead the revolution

It must be noted that the outline above does not exhaust the complexities of the colonies and semi-colonies by then. There was much unevenness among them. As a result, there were many differences inasmuch as there were in similarities among them in terms of methods of struggle, organisational forms, tasks and strategy and tactics. South Africa was one such example. Her ?uniqueness? lay in being both a ?colony/semi-colony? and (later on) an imperialist power. This informed the tasks, methods of struggle and strategy and tactics of the national liberation movement and the Party.

The analysis of the CI concluded that there were two types of national movements emerging in the colonies. One was reformist, bourgeois-democratic and led by the national bourgeoisie or its conservative wing. Its aim was to replace the imperialist-colonial oppressors with the national bourgeoisie as the new exploiters. In most cases this had the support of imperialism whose interests the national bourgeoisie would also protect when in power. No significant changes in the conditions of the masses would occur. In short, this was a movement for a neo-colonial outcome. The other one was national-revolutionary (revolutionary-democratic) base among the urban petit-bourgeoisie, particularly the intelligentsia, the peasantry and the working class. Its objectives were far more radical as stated above, but still remaining within the capitalist framework. Leadership was contested between the working class and the urban petit-bourgeoisie. It was to this movement that the CI oriented itself and rendered active support conditional on its being allowed to conduct communist propaganda, agitation and organisation among the masses towards building future communist parties.

While the CI agreed that this revolutionary-national movement would begin as bourgeois in its economic, social and political tasks, it could go beyond the bounds of capitalism after a series of various intermediary stages and embark on the road towards socialism. It was concluded that it was quite possible for the colonial or semi-colonial revolution to skip he capitalist stage of historical development and go straight towards socialism as soon as imperialism/colonialism was overthrown. Critical towards the success of this perspective were the following:-

• communist influence and leadership within the movement
• a close relationship between the CI and the national-movement
• a close alliance between the Soviet Union (and other expected Soviet Republics) and the national-movement.

Hence, communist work had to be carried out at all stages of the development of the movement, and in order to shape it towards the above-mentioned desired outcome. This perspective was actually vindicated in practice in China, Cuba, Vietnam, Angola and Mozambique, albeit in somewhat different from and under different conditions. Similarly, the treachery of the leadership of the reformist type of nationalist movement was borne out in the post-independence, neo-colonial realities that characterise most of the "Third World" even today.

The YCL to critically assess the programme and strategy and tactics of the Party in order that it may enrich them to enable itself play its role effectively in the ongoing NDR and the socialist revolution.Key elements of a strategy and tactic1.1 Party Perspectives

• Deepening the NDR towards socialism
• Rolling back the market
• Defending, strengthening and expanding the public sector
• State-led all-rounded development, especially economic development, through a state-led Industrial Policy
• Socialisation of the means of production
• Agrarian and land reform
• Building co-operatives and a co-operative movement
• NDR is the most direct route towards socialism (Party Programme defines the state form of socialism, i.e., political and economic features of the envisaged socialist republic)
• The inter-connectedness of the national, gender and class contradictions and the impossibility of resolving one in isolation from the others on the one hand, and the impossibility of resolving any of them in any fundamental way within the confines of capitalism on the other
• Leading role of the working class in the NDR and the struggle for socialism
• Leading role of the ANC in the (current phase) of the NDR
• Leading role of the ANC in the Alliance
• Internationalism and the need for an International Platform of the Left

1.2 Medium Term Vision

• Hegemonising the working class throughout society, i.e. prioritising working class interests in all key centres of power (political, economic, military, social, cultural, academic, religious, etc.) in the next ten years
• Building working class power politically, ideologically and organisationally
• Strengthening the political, ideological and organisational independent role of the working class in deepening the NDR and the struggle for socialism
• Building and strengthening the Tri-Partite Alliance at all levels, particularly from below
• Accelerating agrarian and land reform
• Building co-operatives and a co-operative movement
• Campaigning for an overwhelming victory of the ANC in the coming Elections

It follows from what has been said above that the fundamental theoretical assumptions that have guided the NDR in this country, hitherto, need urgent re-visiting. Further real progression of the revolution is possible only along the following lines:- Working class leadership of the NDR can only be expressed through SACP leadership, i.e., the SACP should lead the NDR (even in the current phase).

Therefore, the SACP, not the ANC, should lead the Tri-partite Alliance

Consequently, the SACP should strive for the conquest of political power and the establishment of a socialist government, i.e., a government "With And For The Workers And The Poor"

In line with the CI line summarised above a new orientation is necessary. The fundamental question that always comes to the fore at all critical moments of the class struggle is the form and content of working class leadership of the NDR. While working class leadership in itself seems not to have a bone of contention all along. It is clear from the controversies of the current period that beneath what seems to be an agreement on a key question, lay fundamental differences. Hence, it is now possible for many comrades within the Alliance to reject the very notion of working class leadership. Second, this issue has never really been addressed in its complete form. This was due to, among others, an inadequate analysis of the nature of a national liberation movement. As result, the political-organisational expression of working class was always concluded in a contradictory manner, SACP as the working class vanguard and the ANC as working class-led and working class-biased mass movement!An International of communist parties is indispensable for the success of the socialist revolution, even the NDR. Party initiatives contributing towards the revival of an international left movement of communist parties, workers? organisations, etc. and the emergence of an International Left Platform is a great step forward under conditions of ?globalisation? and U.S hegemony. However, a movement of diverse left forces is incapable of defeating capitalism, let alone securing the victory of socialism. Only a world-wide communist organisation with a single-will, i.e., a common programme and corresponding strategy and tactics and rooted in the international working class movement and its allies, is capable of that. The Party's international efforts should be geared towards this goal. To those skeptics who will oppose this on the basis of the negative experiences of the C.I, the reply is simple; why a communist party when there are so many negative experiences with communist parties, including the SACP, anyway? Why not simply pursue the socialist revolution through a movement of diverse left forces, i.e., why not liquidate the SACP? Since communism has such negative connotations, why not abandon it? The YCL must also play an energetic role towards re-building a communist International. This Congress should endorse the Recommendations of the National Consultative Conference on international relations and give a clear mandate for their immediate implementation. Persuading the Party on this matter is a must!

The role of revolutionary-democracy changes qualitatively after the victory of the NDR, i.e., after its assumption of political power (where revolutionary-democracy, not a communist party, assumes power as in S.A). Far from continuing the role of driving the revolution forward, revolutionary-democracy sooner or later acts as a brake on further progress of the revolution.

The relationship among national, gender and class is not one of inter-connectedness, but a matter of class underpinning the other two (and any others for that matter!). Inability to grasp this has thrown so much confusion within revolutionary ranks that on the one hand, the NDR is seen as capable of resolving the national question and gender relations, while on the other it is seen as incapable to resolve these two. Furthermore, sometimes there is alluding to the NDR also resolving class contradictions as well, yet a view is also advanced that only socialism can resolve such a fundamental question. These conclusions flow not only from the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism and historical experience from various countries, especially the "Third World", but also, and more immediately, from the experience of the past decade in this country. The Party needs to unite certain theoretical conclusions born of this very same "South African" experience with the necessary practical conclusions. For example, if a real resolution of the national question and gender relations lies in the overthrow of capitalism, then it follows that the Party, as the only political party consciously fighting for that, must raise the necessary governmental slogan. In short, from the Theme: "With And For The Workers And The Poor", should logically and necessarily follow a corresponding governmental slogan - A Government "With And For The Workers And The Poor" or a Communist Party (Communist Party-led) Government "With And For The Workers And The Poor", something like that. Otherwise, all talk of working hegemony in all key levers of power just empty revolutionary phrase-mongering! The essence of any class power is state power! The best of this hopeless contradiction would the constant going forth and back; till when, and with what end-results? To this end, the Party openly leads the class struggle in all spheres. Contesting elections thus becomes as urgent as the question of Party organisation among the armed forces.

2.2 Some strategical and tactical considerations

• Alliance Political Mechanism to monitor
• Manifesto implementation post-Elections
  Alliance
• Political Centre to guide and monitor government implementation of Alliance Transformation Programme
  Alliance
• Government to implement Alliance Programme

Of course, the new orientation proposed above must, of necessity, start from the current given situation in all its concreteness, and not be artificially imposed through good intentions. It must proceed from the three Strategical and Tactical considerations raised above. As is well known, the first two come from the Party and COSATU. Once again, raising them without as the same time raising the need for an alliance Government, i.e. an ANC-SACP Joint-Government, is hogwash. It is a perpetuation of the insoluble contradiction that the ANC is in government, but not in power, or the Alliance is in government, but also not in government, etc., etc. Changing from this to that phrase does not express concrete reality, but fudges it; it is not materialist dialectics, but empiricist confusion. In fact, this failure to grapple with key strategical and tactical questions has contributed immensely to the current situation whereby, according to COSATU, the working class has almost completely lost its leading role in the NDR and the democratic movement. Unfortunately, the 2015 Plan makes bold pronouncements without a bold strategy and tactics. The question of state power is left out. The illusion is that the 2015 goals are realisable under capitalism and through the ANC government. While the conquest of power by the working class through the SACP is not yet on the agenda, as an immediate question, a National Democratic State is of major importance. The failure of the ANC to consistently implement the Freedom Charter and the Reconstruction and Development Programme in its two terms of Office is an incontrovertible practical confirmation of Marxist estimation of the (in)capacity of revolutionary-democracy, particularly when in government. This will remain so, irrespective of possible quantitative progress, for the basis of this (in)capacity is bourgeois class interests. Hence, the Party must be in government together with the ANC to exercise pressure from above, pursue working class interests and disperse counter-revolution (see Lenin in Two Tactics?.). Whether, or not, such a Joint-Government is realised is not the point, the objective situation demands it, and the Party must fight for it. Once again, the point here is to close the gap between the Alliance and government in the only possible way, i.e., Alliance Government - an ANC-SACP Government.

3. Key constituencies, the most reliable allies, and allies in general

The tasks of both the NDR and the socialist revolution

The trade union movement, particularly COSATU-affiliates

The Party views the labour movement, particularly COSATU-affiliates, as its special constituency. A special relationship between the two is being nurtured. The relationship between COSATU affiliates and the Party have been, and will always be, very critical to the stability of the Party. The Party' s contribution to the further growth and stability of COSATU-affiliates still has to come. The YCL should focus on young workers in the labour movement, especially COSATU-affiliates.

Working class youth
Rural workers
The progressive intelligentsia
Urban and rural masses (the poor) - lower sections of the middle class, landless, small farmers, unemployed, etc.

BUILDING THE YOUTH MOVEMENT - CHALLENGES FACING THE PROGRESSIVE YOUTH ALLIANCE

This brief draft is meant to remind ourselves of who are we and why do we exist. It does not seek to create new theories, however it does seek to deepen our understanding of PYA - partially an assessment of its functioning or lack thereof.The paper will more importantly, try to raise challenges facing PYA in its struggle to lobby and put youth interests on the national agendaPYA is constituted by mass movement youth structures that are aligned to the ANC. Freedom Charter and National Democratic Revolution is the overall framework for political mobilisation and vision.The discussion paper will try to firstly state the obvious about who is PYA, its role collectively and individually. We hope by going back to the basics the and obvious points we can find a firmer basis to revive PYA, build respect for each other, lay the basis for a renewal, implementable programme on the ground- more importantly as elections are approaching

IDEOLOGICAL BASIS OF PYA

Freedom Charter and NDR are the theoretical and ideological basis for the existence of ANC led Alliance (ANC-SACP and COSATU). The same applies to the ideological and political cohesion of PYA . NDR as a political and ideological outlook has always guided the individual members and the advance cadres across mass democratic movement. Later RDP base document was developed as a programmatic and basis for the justification of the Alliance in post 1994 democratic breakthrough. It was drawn within the broad transformative and revolutionary tasks of NDR and Freedom CharterNational Democratic Revolution as a revolutionary set of ideas seeks to firstly analyse the key political and socio-economic structures( class forces that benefit ) that underpin Apartheids Colonial State, then proceeds to define key social players and motive forces that have interest and capacity to lead struggle and defeat the Apartheid colonial state. Finally it proceeds to set transformative goals for the new Democratic StateThe fundamental objective of NDR thesis is to liberate Blacks in general and Africans in particular. To build a non-racial, non- sexist society where economic exploitation is defeated.In setting this task it recognises that Africans who are majority therefore must lead this struggle to liberate society but more importantly to address national question. Africans while majority under Apartheid but were denied basic political rights and their Nationhood.

On the other hand a tiny white minority with support of white capitalist held all spheres of power in society. Therefore !994 democratic breakthrough in a way dealt with the National question, equality and constitutional rights of all racial groups. But overall struggle to win economic power and transform other key centres of power it's a long drawn struggle that cant be resolved by majority in parliament. While recognising that Blacks are majority , the majority of blacks themselves are from working class itself. This led NDR thesis to conclude that the working is a motive force for the liberation of South Africa. Their material position, their relations to production, their organisational experience and organisational capacity makes far ahead of other classes amongst black and across races and gender. But working class can only lead alongside its class allies in the middle class and emerging black capitalists. The ANC must therefore be informed and lead by working class while it continues to bring all other classes opposed to Apartheid Colonial State under its multi class character movement..This in practice means in a post 1994 Democratic breakthrough the policies and actions of the new democratic Government must be informed by social and economic needs of the working class , primarily. They must enact laws and other conducive factors that empower working class to continue to lead and deepen social and economic transformation of society.The above NDR thesis is what has mobilised PYA behind ANC led Alliance. It's the only the superiority of this perspective that can deliver on aspiration of society in general and youth in particular.

WHAT ARE DIFFERENT CONSTITUENT PARTS & THEIR ROLE

All members are equal , there is no leader or head of the PYA. All constituent parts are mainly and primarily accountable to their members through constitutional structures. While others are more organised big, well run and financed , others are small, struggling financial and largely uncoordinated either at a branch or national level..However the different levels of political and organisational cohesion do not in any way mean there are those with more or less rights or they are junior or senior partners. In other words there is no vanguard component within PYA except through consistent and proven leadership on the terrain of struggle.To date the largest and most organised have been COSAS, SUCA, YCS,SASPU SASCO and ANC Youth League. Therefore these have by and large determined the decisiveness of PYA or lack thereofMany components of PYA are sectoral in nature (note sectoral not sectarian) Therefore r their positions will largely be narrow and specific to the sector. Whereas other components will be broader and general therefore more likely to have a different emphasis and focus. Its important to accept that sectoral is different from new emerging single issue social movements like TAC. This distinguish is importantBecause of these different roles and locations in the broader struggle, objective and subjective differences are likely to arise. Do arise. How we manage and respond to these is very important.Ekurhuleni Alliance summit resolutions on how to manage differences remain applicable to PYA:Differences do not mean opposition.

Respect each other's views as valid and legitimate, even when not in agreement.
raise difference as soon as they arise, don't allow them to build up and become grudges
meet regularly to share information and perspective recognise that we are located in different spheres therefore our views or perception my be influenced by that reality

WHY DO WE NEED PYAPY

A is an organisational platform for structures of young people who are guided by progressiveness, Freedom Charter vision, goals of NDR and RDP. It's a vehicle to develop a common platform , analysis and tactics on how to advance youth interests. In the current conjuncture PYA is the only such vehicle. Underpinning PYA is to meet and advance interests of Young people under the ideological and political leadership ANC led Alliance.Majority of young people are of working class background (this means their living standards and reality is that of the working class, majority are women and they live in rural areas) .We need to mobilise young people under one set of goals with one common program (not withstanding the ultimate autonomy of each individual PYA component)Young people are contested, in fact the predominant ideas of the ruling class ( by the way the ruling class is white male capitalist class in Alliance with foreign capital and a junior role for emerging black capitalists) have strangled revolutionary spirit of young people. Neo-liberal ideas and obsession with individual solutions to common collective problems have taken over behaviour , goals and dreams of young people. In part the emerging trend of non-voting and lack of interests and knowledge of politics is as a result of this neo--liberal straggle hold on young people. Individual members of PYA characterise this straggle hold differently and therefore devise different tactics and arrive at different conclusions. In part these differences can be explained by where we are located and sectors where we operate in.We elaborated on this on this above

WHAT ARE KEY CHALLENGES FACING YOUNG PEOPLE

The twins tasks of any progressive or revolutionary youth organisation ( in particular PYA) is to reverse :Economic marginalisation of young people by the capitalist economy

Ideological stranglehold neo-liberalism has over young people.

Out of these two major tasks several others flow from there. Lets deal with these twin tasks individuallyEconomic Marginalisation of Youth.We must always locate our analysis of young people in the overall challenges facing ANC led Alliance in struggle to achieve NDR and struggle to reverse Apartheid State Colonial legacy/ racial capitalism.Unemployment currently stands at 40% ( a real disaster) . Majority of these unemployed are black youth, rural and women. Therefore no serious revolutionary can talk about youth without acknowledging this crisis. Capitalism has effectively excluded young people from productive economic activity. What makes it worse is the existing social support network has no focused attention to unemployed youth. This still represent one of the biggest short comings of the New Democratic StatIdeological stranglehold neo-liberalism has over young peopleSince the 1994 democratic breakthrough capital through media, including public broadcaster/SABC, has intensified demobilisation , and de-politicisation of youth. Whole on the other hand it strengthened neo-liberal values that are often portrayed as common sense but not ideological and political. The total sum of this straggle hold is reduced capacity of youth to understand their economic context, unemployment status, lack adequate funding for higher education. Corresponding to this increased apathy is increasing grip the neo-liberal models and values imposing as solutions to collective and class issues.Young people are told of stories from riches to rags. Work hard , remain focused then you can be anything you want to be. Of course with a lot of benefits to new black middle strata since 1994 democratic breakthrough, this advice makes sense. But these are just illusions. Capitalism is incapable of meeting and resolving problems of young people.

WHAT ARE THE PROGRAMMATIC ISSUES FOR PYA

We think the twin tasks gives rise to practical challenges and struggles. We would to stipulate few of these challenges:We must meet continuously and permanently as PYA to share information and analysis. Without this we cant effectively give meaning to transformative agenda of NDR. This summit must draw a time table of meetings

We must develop common positions on higher education transformation. In part support GDS resolutions on learnership. We hope through these campaigns we can at least reduce the effect of capitalist exclusion of young people from productive economic activities

We must support struggle on role of history in education, elimination of school fees, and stopping subsidise to private education. In a long run these campaigns are important in reversing stranglehold capitalism has on minds of young people. The stranglehold of neo-liberal solutions to collective issues starts at school and is reinforced by media etc. It stands to reason that the battle of ideas is the key terrain to contain and over time reverse the neo-liberal values on individualism, selfishness and de-politicisation of youth

We must collectively support, mandate and control structures established to advance youth interests by the New Democratic Government. We have collectively and severally deployed comrades there, but we lack a comprehensive strategy and platform to shape their activities and programmes. If this is not urgently addressed tensions within PYA member structures will persist. There is a perception that criticism of these structures is an attack on other PYA partners. Its only through regular PYA meetings we can deal with such perceptions

We must urgent deal with ANC Election manifesto and youth issues. No single PYA member or outside structure can do that.
we may want to explore a demand for social grants for unemployed, but in particular young people. We need discussions on this.
we need honest discussions on effects of GEAR on young people and its review. This is sensitive but we must be brave and deal with it.

HOW TO DEAL WITH REAL OR SEEMING TACTICAL OR IDEOLOGICAL PROBLEMS WITHIN THE PYA

Problems and difficulties will arise in PYA. And have arisen. The main sources of problems will beWe are youth structures linked or deriving its existent from political organisations, sometimes we will feel obliged to defend those organisations, its positions of particular matters, its characterisation of certain political issues or challenges. Therefore Alliance problems will simply be imported into PYA

Issues of tactics and emphasis. In part these will be informed by different our stand in relation to capitalism or its logic

CONCLUSION

PYA must meet continuously, therefore absence of one or two its members should not in any case imply there cant be PYA. PYA is the total sum of its constituent parts. We must continue to make efforts to make sure that all members of PYA attend its meetings and remain loyal to its resolutions. The struggle to meet interests of young people depend on our level of clarity on the twin tasks facing young South Africans: 1) economic marginalisation of youth by capitalist economy that has resulted in massive youth unemployment, 2) the stranglehold of neo-liberal values and its logic on mental development and values of young people . This clarity will inform what practical campaigns must be taken up individually and collectively by PYA.PYA as argued above should remain committed to NDR, its unceasing implementation, and continuous empowerment of the leading motive force- the working classThe most pressing demand of the day is organising youth to register and vote ANC in the coming elections. The hope of progressive youth lies in an organised strong PYA that backs ANC government.How the YCL should approach the leadership question: Choosing the best cadres to mobilise and conscientise young people for Socialis

1. WHY SHOULD WE DISCUSS THIS ISSUE?

As a new organisation, the Young Communist League has to elect leaders at its Re-establishment Congress and at various levels. The YCL Re-establishment Congress will take place after a long period of stagnation in the youth movement in our country where varied and difficult organisational, political and ideological questions require steeled, dynamic, innovative and courageous communist leadership in the youth movement broadly. What kind of leaders will the YCL need? These leaders, whilst young, inexperienced, energetic, enthusiastic and so on, they must be equal to the challenge posed by building an organisation of young communists within the context of the contemporary and future phases of the national democratic revolution and the struggle for socialism. The YCL should serve as a critical school of the revolution and a source of cadres to build and lead our great and glorious South African Communist Party. For this reason alone, the YCL cannot dare to fail in rising to the challenge of approaching the leadership question correctly and getting it right from the beginning.

It must be apparent to all that YCL leadership must be distinct from the reactionary practice of entitlement to traditional political leadership which has become a significant trend in many progressive organisations. It has become fashionable that even opportunists would state the "to become a leader of the people is not an entitlement and is not about an easy process attached merely to status" and yet actual practice shows these individuals differently.Those in leadership positions should unite and guide the YCL to be at the head of youth and workers? struggles for change. Those in leadership should lead the YCL in its mission to inspire, excite, conscientise, educate, mobilise and organise young people for socialism. As a Young Communist League we are first and foremost informed and driven by the desire and commitment to serve the people, to lead and mobilise young people for socialism, to advance the communist cause and to build a revolutionary socialist moral renewal of our society and movement in a manner which increases the confidence of the youth and the broad masses in themselves and in our broad movement.

These are difficult and enduring tasks which require a tight unit; a dynamic, portable, flexible, mobile, disciplined, exemplary and dedicated strike force, that the YCL must be, ready for any eventuality in the struggle for socialism. Consequently therefore, those in leadership should not be there for status but as humble servants dedicated to lead, handle and cherish the work and legacy of Hani, Slovo, Mabhida, Kotane, Andrews, Tamana, Matomela, First, Papiyana, Jobane, Nkosi, Nzula, Bunting and Makabeni as the only jewel of their eyes. They should lead with diligence. And, together, they should reflect continuity of a revolutionary tradition and renewal which sustains the revolutionary, working class, youth and socialist movements in the long-term.How do we ensure that this happens in actual practice? How do we ensure that the YCL conducts the task of electing leadership in a revolutionary and disciplined manner? How do we ensure that the electoral processes build consensus and unity, and strengthen the YCL?

As the YCL we must get this right from the beginning in order to ensure that we deal a decisive blow to political opportunism, individual ambition, negative lobbying, promotion of friends, pursuit of selfish interests, and using of organisations as a step-ladder towards self-enrichment, status, and so on. The above do not mean that the YCL must close off internal democracy. Instead internal democracy must be used to approach the question of organisational leadership from its correct communist foundation. These are difficult questions. But the young membership of the YCL has to find the answers maturely with revolutionary communist determination and discipline. To fully understand this challenge, let us first outline the following as critical political questions which preface the discussion on leadership:

• What is the historical mission of the YCL?
• What are the political and organisational challenges and tasks of the YCL?
• What is the political and organisational state of young people and the youth movement?
• In broad terms, what are the critical challenges facing the working class and broad democratic movement at this stage?
• What is the role of the YCL in this context? What is the role of YCL leadership in this context?
• What kind of YCL is required to meet these challenges?
• What should inform the principles of YCL Organisational Democracy?
• What then are the broad requirements of leadership?
• What are the negatives challenges that have emerged in the new terrain?
• How do members take charge?
• How 'natural' is the selection process

2. WHAT KIND OF YCL DO WE SEEK TO BUILD?

In broad strokes we have said the following: ? A revolutionary communist mass youth movement ? "a tight unit; a dynamic, portable, flexible, mobile, disciplined, exemplary and dedicated strike force ? ready for any eventuality in the struggle for socialism"? Democratic and mass-based YCL - within its ranks, the YCL ensures the participation of members in shaping the movement's policies and programmes.A non-racial organisation
A non-sexist organisation and conscious agent for gender equality
A leader in the youth movement
A champion of progressive youth and working class internationalism
An exciting organisation

3. WHAT SHOULD INFORM THE PRINCIPLES OF YCL ORGANISATIONAL DEMOCRACY?

The collective practice and experience of revolutionary organisations everywhere has distilled the following basic principles for organisational democracy:

• Elected leadership
• Collective leadership
• Effective, disciplined and working leadership
• Branches as basic units ?
• or should they be YCL clubs in the case of the YCL?
• Consultations and mandates
• Criticism and self-criticism
• Democratic Centralism ? in both directions
• Duties, roles, rights and obligations of every member ?
• high communist discipline
• Duties of delegates at Congresses and Conferences

4. WHAT THEN ARE THE BROAD REQUIREMENTS OF LEADERSHIP?

s a revolutionary communist organisation, the YCL needs revolutionary cadres and leaders. It should put in place leadership collectives that satisfy the character of the YCL. Broadly and collectively, YCL leaders should represent the nature and character of South African youth which is overwhelmingly working class ? despite recent attempts to suggest otherwise, the working class, because of its main grievance against exploitation, material interests, numbers, strategic location, organisational and revolutionary experience, is the only consistent class force in society capable to struggle against and defeat capitalism. In its theory and practice, the YCL cannot be led by any other class force other than this class.A YCL leader should understand League and Party policy, basic communist ideology and programmes and be able to apply these creatively under all conditions and phases of our revolution.

Even bourgeois political parties claim that a leader should constantly seek to improve her/his capacity to serve the people; s/he should strive to be in touch with young people all the time, listen to their views and learn from them. Yes, these same parties also say that a leader should be accessible and flexible; and not arrogate to her/himself the status of being the source of all wisdom. We need to think about what appears to lofty ideals really mean. As the Communist League, we will have to think about this by asking the question first: what shapes a communist leader? What does serving the people, being touch with young people all the time, accessibility and flexibility, and collective wisdom mean? What class forces and struggles shape these values? A leader should win the confidence of the people in her day-to-day work.

Others in our movement have said that where the situation demands, a leader should be firm and have the courage to explain and seek to convince others of the correctness of decisions taken by constitutional structures even if such decisions are unpopular. In justifying this, the point has been made that a leader should not seek to gain cheap popularity by avoiding difficult issues, making false promises or merely pandering to popular sentiment. Without dismissing this thought, how should the Communist League rise to the leadership challenge by guarding against organisational degeneration and bureaucratisation without misleading and underestimating objective constraints? Is this not where the principle of trust in the people becomes important and must be practicalised?As said above, all political parties preach week in and week out that a leader should lead by example.

They proceed to shout that a leader should be above reproach in political and social conduct. Through force of example, they claim, a leader should act as a role model to members and non-members alike. What do these mean for the Communist League? At the most basic level, we should underline that leading a life that reflects commitment to communism includes being free of, and actively fighting against sectarianism, dogmatism, intolerance, dishonesty, corruption, patronage, individualism, selfishness, sexism, racism. Because of the capitalist base of our country and world, these virtues are meaningless and idealistic if not approached from the standpoint that in the process of struggle we are building a new society, culture and civilisation. In the communist and youth movements, there are no ready-made leaders. Leaders evolve out of the class struggle.

In these battles, cadres will stumble and some will fall. But the abiding quality of leadership is to learn from mistakes, to appreciate one's weaknesses and correct them.A leader should seek to influence and to be influenced by others in the collective. S/he should have the conviction to state her/his views boldly and openly within constitutional structures of the movement; and - without being disrespectful - not to cower before those in more senior positions in pursuit of patronage, nor to rely on cliques to maintain one's position.An individual with qualities of leadership does not seek to gain popularity by undermining those in positions of responsibility. Where such a member has a view on how to improve things or correct mistakes, s/he should state those views in constitutional structures and seek to win others to her/his own thinking. S/he should assist the organisation a whole to improve its work, and not stand aside to claim perfection out of inactivity. These are even more important in the communist movement.

5. WHAT ARE THE NEGATIVES CHALLENGES THAT HAVE EMERGED IN THE NEW TERRAIN?

In broad strokes, the post-1994 period has seen the following negative trends

• Excessive demands on time and energy arising from government commitments and trappings
• Opportunism to get into government, opportunities, material wealth, status and public profile
• The private sector and its trappings
• Members of members? phenomenon and Obedience to the "leader"
• Corruption

Labelling as means to score political points and win debates and positions and arising out of various factors ? seeking to displace socialist organisation, strategy and analysis; factionalist interests; etc.

"Independence" from the organisation and the collective

6. HOW DO MEMBERS TAKE CHARGE AND HOW 'NATURAL' IS THE SELECTION PROCESS

The selection and election of leaders should reside firmly in the hands of the membership. This can only happen if there is open and frank discussion on these issues in formal structures of the organisation. Quiet and secret lobbying opens the movement to opportunism and even infiltration. In debating the composition of leadership collectives, what factors should we take into account? How important are the following factors

• Non-sexism ? there is no reason whatsoever that the 1st team of office-bearers and national committee of the YCL should have less than 50% women in its composition.
• Non-racialism ? we have not yet reached out to Coloured, Indian, White and other youth?
• Is it correct to use the 1st leadership of the YCL to make a statement in this regard?

Provincial spread

Skills required in the current period from the collective as a whole

What about the political, ideological and organisational factors briefly outlined in the above sections?How then does selection of candidates happen? Is it a "natural" process where leaders emerge out of some mysterious selection, or is it a conscious act on the part of members? Should members canvass for those they support and/or should individuals promote themselves? Is there a place for lobbying? In the first instance, the YCL draft constitution asserts the right for individuals to stand for and be elected into formal positions of responsibility. But waving a constitution does not excuse unbecoming conduct.

Members should not be discouraged from canvassing for those they support. And, technically, an individual is not prohibited from canvassing for him-/herself. But this has negative connotations and is generally frowned upon.Selecting candidates and ultimately electing leaders is not like the "natural selection" of evolution where things develop by chance. It must be a conscious and well-considered act on the part of each YCL member. But how should this be done? Nominations should take place at constitutional structures on the basis of fair, clear, agreed rules and procedures. Individual members nominate their candidates at these meetings on the basis of an assessment which should take the following into account:Role and Character of the YCL

Tasks and programme of the YCL

Understanding the broad requirements of YCL leadership in the current period
Balancing the political, organisational and ideological skills of the leadership collective
Qualities, experience and performance of each individual in the League and in the Party

But how should individuals be scrutinised? Should there be motivations and demotivations? Following branch discussions, how should districts and provinces interact? How should they conduct lobbying and influencing each other in a mature political manner? What are the rule for nomination and election