13 April 2003
We must never allow Chris Hani to die!
CHRIS HANI 10th ANNIVERSARY COMMEMORATION
1. INTRODUCTION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF 2003 - THE 10TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MURDER OF CHRIS HANI
10 April 2003 marked exactly 10 years since the cowardly assassination of the former General Secretary of the South African Communist Party (SACP) and popular leader of the ANC, Martin Thembisile "Chris" Hani, uTshonyane.
The year 2003 is significant for a number of other reasons.
The 10th Anniversary of the murder of Chris Hani coincides with other important anniversaries. April 2003 also mark the tenth anniversaries on the passing away of other giants of our struggle - Oliver Tambo and Elias Motsoaledi. It is also the 30th anniversary of the 1973 workers' strikes which came after a long period of no organisation of workers. The 1973 strikes laid the basis for the rebuilding of today's trade union movement, after its severe repression in the 1960s. Most significantly for the SACP, 2003 marks the 50th anniversary of the reconstitution of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) underground, after its dissolution and banning in 1950, and re-emerged as the South African Communist Party (SACP) in 1953.
The SACP also wishes to use this opportunity to honour all the heroes, heroines and matyrs of our national liberation struggle who paid the supreme sacrifice in the struggle against the criminal apartheid regime - communist and non-communist. We particularly want to pay tribute to the communist matyrs - like Johannes Nkosi - who were visionary enough to understand that our struggle required the unity of all class forces amongst the oppressed in order to defeat colonialism.
2. HANI THE COMMUNIST
The life and memory of Chris Hani has become one of the major symbols for the aspirations of the poor and working people in South Africa. His life, sacrifices, dedication and example captured a person whose entire life was dedicated to the service of ordinary poor and working people. Whilst South Africa has many heroes and heroines who lived and died for similar aspirations, but Chris Hani was murdered on the eve of the beginnings of the realisation of the aspirations of the majority of South Africans. His assassination also directly led to the securing of 27 April 1994 as the date for the first ever democratic elections in South Africa. His memory lives fondly in the hearts and minds of millions of South Africans.
Hani's life is also about our South African Communist Party which has an unparalleled history in our country. We are a Party that has been in the midst of all the great popular and working class struggles of our people. Thousands of AmaKomanisi - sons, daughters and tributes of our people - first in sacrifice, first in commitment and hard work, we are proud of our traditions, and we are proud of our outstanding cadres. In the midst of struggle, our Party has pioneered many of the most important traditions of the South African struggle (including progressive trade unionism, pioneered non-racism, night schools and cadre development, tireless organisational work, unity of women around progressive demands, rural struggles, revolutionary journalism, revolutionary theory, revolutionary martyrs).
As former COSATU President, John Gomomo, put it at Hani's funeral "When he was elected to the mammoth task of General Secretary of the SACP, he proved himself a committed communist. Today he would be in Gugulethu calling for housing, tomorrow in the mines calling for an end to retrenchments, dismissals, and for workers to be paid a living wage. As if that was not enough, two days later he would be in Venda calling for health improvement and later lead a march by teachers and students around educational needs". Hani's idea was of a portable, dynamic, flexible, strong and vibrant SACP committed unapologetically to the cause of socialism and rooted in the masses. This is the legacy that Hani left for the SACP.
3. HANI AS AN ANC LEADER
As we remember Chris Hani, we must also remind ourselves of the kind of ANC, alliance, leaders and cadres we need in South Africa today. Hani was both a communist and a disciplined member and leader of the ANC. As a result he rose through the ranks of MK and the ANC. In no way did he regard himself or was he regarded (by disciplined ANC members) as a step cousin in the ANC Without poor and working people and a bias towards them, the ANC becomes a different organisation from the one that Hani and thousands of other communists built.
For Hani being a disciplined ANC member and leader also meant that he was forthright in expressing his views in a conducive environment for open debate without being submissive. As forthright as he was, he was also a good listener to other views and people. His open letter critical of how the armed struggle was conducted led to the famous Morogoro Conference of the ANC which consolidated its strategy and tactics from the late 1960s. The letter was not easily welcomed and it made the situation difficult but he did not hesitate to state his views in the interests of advancing the struggle. He was also forthright in his criticism of the suspension of the armed struggle without adequate intra-ANC and alliance debate. Adequate alliance debate is a basic principle we should not trample on at all times. Frankness is a critical quality given the danger of careerism and ideological opportunism faced by our revolution in the current period.
Cde Chris also hated careerism and ideological opportunism, the twin dangers we must guard against at this stage of our struggle.
Hani's life and struggle in both the ANC and the SACP embodied his concrete understanding that the National Democratic Revolution is both an important goal in itself, but at the same time it is the most direct route to socialism. Conversely, he also understood that to advance the NDR requires the mobilisation of the working class consistently on socialist perspectives and approaches. In the current period, this means struggling against poverty, job losses, racism, capitalist banks and for social security and jobs for all.
4. CHRIS HANI AS AN INTERNATIONALIST
One of the most outstanding qualities of Chris was that he was an internationalist. He understood that our own liberation was inextricably linked to that of Southern Africa, the African continent and the entire developing world. That is why, amongst other things, he heroically fought in the Wankie campaign in the mid-1960s! As a communist he also knew that a true internationalist must also be anti-imperialist. One cannot be an internationalist without being anti-imperialist, as there can be no genuine liberation of any people without struggling against imperialism and its multinational corporations.
Chris Hani also knew that the struggle against imperialism was not just about national liberation, but fundamentally was about social and economic emancipation. That is why he was a communist. There can never be complete national liberation without economic emancipation and the struggle against capitalism. National liberation in the context of capitalist relations will always remain incomplete no matter what advances can be made in the short-to-medium term.
Chris also understood that the Soviet socialist system had developed serious problems of bureaucratisation and the distance of communist parties from the working class, and that is why it collapsed. However at the same time he knew that the collapse of the Soviet system meant, not liberation of the peoples of the developing world, but the emergence of a dangerous unipolar world, dominated by the United States and its transnational corporations. He never believed in the naïve assumption that the end of the Cold War would provide new opportunities for developing countries. He knew that the end of the Cold War, meant the victory of imperialism over a progressive bloc of forces.
Indeed we are now experiencing the worst of the unipolar world. The invasion of Iraq by Bush and Blair illustrates the growing aggression of imperialism and its preparedness to use force in order to conquer the weak and take control of its resources. The aim of the invasion of Iraq has got nothing to do with its claimed possession of weapons of mass destruction but to take over its oil fields for US oil companies. Where are the weapons of mass destruction after the killing and maiming of so many innocent Iraqis?
We are not supporters of Saddam Hussein, but supporters and brothers and sisters to the ordinary Iraqi people. That is why we condemn this invasion in the strongest possible terms. The US is now occupying Iraq by force, but this will definitely generate resistance by the Iraqi people. They may have won the war but not peace or perpetual subjugation of the Iraqi people. Instead they have created a very dangerous situation in the world.
More serious to us as the SACP is that the US security doctrine - preemptive war (a completely new phenomenon in the world), existence of "axes of evil", and the right to intervene anywhere in the world - stands in fundamental contradiction to the continued existence of the United Nations system. This war has dealt a severe blow to the UN. In fact this might as well be a deliberate strategy by the US to destroy the UN system so that it will become the new and modern Roman Empire. This also shows that contrary to another naïve claim - that the North is a locomotive of growth - the North continues to be a source of misery, oppression and exploitation for the developing world.
It is for these reasons that progressive forces in our country and throughout the world need to be mobilised to struggle against this new empire. The only possible counter to US hegemony and warmongering is for the progressive forces in the world to continue with mobilisation against unilateralism and imperialism. We will make our contribution as the SACP, partly to honour the interenationalism of heroes like Cde Chris Hani.
5. FIGHTING POVERTY
One of the many outstanding qualities of comrade Chris Hani was his ability to make revolutionary and socialist ideas accessible to workers and the poor. In other words, his most outstanding quality was to develop and popularise progressive and socialist alternatives, ideas in a manner which ignited ordinary people and made them to understand the power that they posses to change society.
The most famous example of this quality is what Hani said about socialism "Socialism is not about big concepts and heavy theory. Socialism is about decent shelter for those who are homeless. It is about water for those who have no safe drinking water. It is about health care, it is about a life of dignity for the old. It is about overcoming the huge divide between urban and rural areas. It is about education for all our people. Socialism is about rolling back the tyranny of the market. As long as the economy is dominated by an un-elected, privileged few, the case for socialism will exist." This ability and quality derives from Hani's rural roots which he never forgot. He was a leader who listened to the homeless, the jobless, the landless, to women no less than men. He had confidence and trust in ordinary people, and so they, in turn, had confidence and trust in him.
He was a fighter against poverty and job losses. As we speak today, unemployment is approaching nearly 40 percent in our country. 61 percent of Africans live in poverty. With the HIV/AIDS pandemic, many of the poorest households find themselves even more vulnerable and impoverished. Facts like these make a comprehensive social security system a matter of life and death for millions of South Africans.
The SACP wants to use this year's commemoration of Chris Hani to highlight these problems. Party structures and activists, working together with our allies, social movements and community based organisations have started with door-to-door visits, community meetings and factory lunch-hour meetings, and visits to pension pay-out points, and Social Development and Home Affairs offices. We will make communities aware of their social security rights. We will assist, where we can, those who need help. We will listen to problems, and identify issues that must be changed.
For these reasons the SACP says: Our entire social security system is in need of a major overhaul!
The SACP believes that a Basic Income Grant should be seriously explored and should not be seen as a "dole" system. The BIG would be very minimal, and it should be introduced as a complementary measure to many other initiatives - public works programmes, fostering of SMMEs (including co-ops), more effective training programmes, land reform, etc. The BIG would enable poor marginalised households to access these other programmes (by giving them some transport money, or money to purchase a phone-card, or basic tools, or minimal resources with which to market food-garden products, etc.) The BIG should be seen as a catalyst to assist the most marginalised to engage in productive work, and not as a reason to avoid work.
Therefore, the SACP calls on government:
Food Prices
The SACP is also very concerned about the persistent and extremely high inflation in the basic prices of food in our country. During 2002, food inflation was 18% compared to the overall inflation rate of 11,6%. This rise in food prices erodes workers' earnings and threatens to worsen poverty in our country.
The SACP believes that the main reason behind this increase is the rapid deregulation of staple foods and speculation by powerful maize producers and traders. The SACP therefore calls for a review of the deregulation of food prices, and that is why we welcomed governments appointment of a Food Prices Monitoring Committee.
Co-operatives
Co-operatives are extremely important for the social values that they can help to nurture. Co-operatives build on traditions of collective endeavour, they are more attuned to the spirit of vuk' uzenzele (than free market competition). Progressive co-operatives can build the economic power of workers and the poor, eg making school uniforms, bulk buying, pooling the buying power of spaza shops etc.
For example, the fact that there are more than 14 200 spaza shops in the Cape Penninsula means that there is a basis for a wholesaler owned as a co-operative enterprises by these spaza shops instead of the fragmented manner in which they currently buy their supplies. The building of such a wholesale co-operative would shorten the food chain and, through bulk buying, contribute to lower prices for the spaza shops and their customers who come from poor communities which have been negatively affected by the increase in food prices during 2002.
6. THE GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT SUMMIT
The SACP wants to ensure that the Growth and Development Summit (GDS) to be held in May is succesful and makes clear commitments on how to create jobs and fight poverty. It cannot just be any other talkshop. This Summit must ensure that we make a decisive break with job losses and continuing benefits by a small elite. This Summit must include a fundamental review of current economic policies.
Let us all agree that one of the primary contradictions in our society is that of significant progress towards political democratisation, whilst economic power remains essentially still with the same class forces as under apartheid. In many ways the President's characterisation of South Africa as "two-nations" and, even more pertinently, his more recent characterisation of our society as a "dual economy" seek to capture this reality. If we are to transform our country it is principally to these issues that our revolution must turn its full attention to.
The reality now is that any qualitative advance is increasingly facing the barriers of an untransformed economy (an enclave of development on the one hand, systemic underdevelopment on the other). Any advance is daily and increasingly being proscribed by an unfettered capitalist market economy. Put differently, the next key qualitative advance of our struggle, after the democratic breakthrough of 1994, is directly dependent on significant breakthroughs on the economic terrain.
The many socio-economic achievements since 1994 have been directly as a result of state-led programmes. These include the very impressive achievements in the provision of water, electricity, housing, education, and clinics. Where reliance has been placed on private capital (for example, in the provision of low-cost housing, or access to affordable financial services for the workers and the poor, or job creation and the fostering of small and medium enterprises) there has been dismal failure.
To transform our economy will require a combination of measures - persuasion, negotiation and compulsion, including legislative measures and mass power. Transformation of our economy must also include a review and prevention of willy-nilly offshore listing by South African companies. So far this has not benefited the country at all. It is also important that the public sector should be strengthened as the primary deliverer of social services, including the building of new institutions where necessary.
If the GDS fails to achieve the above, then we risk serious class confrontation.
7. THE FINANCIAL SECTOR
The SACP notes that those who control the financial sector in our country are developing a financial services' charter. While the SACP welcomes the drawing up of a financial services charter, this must not be a secretive and board-room process driven solely by finance private capital with no mass involvement, as it currently is. It must be an open and transparent process. It is not enough for the banks and insurers to say they are quietly consulting with the government without public debate and the involvement of the mass of our people, who should be the primary beneficiaries of any transformed financial sector in our country.
One main obstacle to the transformation of our economy in favour of the majority of our people is the inaccessibility of finance and credit for development, including housing finance and support for small and medium enterprises.
To this end, the SACP wants to make it clear that any financial charter must be in terms of the agreement reached in August last year between government, labour, business and communities at a National Summit hosted by NEDLAC on the Financial Sector. It is therefore important to remind ourselves what was agreed upon at NEDLAC.
8. THE CHRIS HANI INSTITUTE
We are also pleased to announce to you that the SACP jointly with COSATU will on Tuesday be launching a Chris Hani Worker Leadership and Development Institute will be launched. An important aim of the institute would be to continue this legacy, by researching and developing progressive and socialist alternatives, making socialist ideas accessible, promoting and popularising democratic and socialist alternatives, and providing cadre development to worker leadership.
This Chris Hani Institute seeks to institutionalise his memory and to become a living, dynamic monument to the aspirations of the ordinary working people and the poor in South Africa.
9. LET US PREPARE FOR A MASSIVE ANC ELECTORAL VICTORY AND DEFEAT THE UDM Let us honour the sacrifices of Cde Chris Hani by preparing for a massive ANC electoral victory next year. In particular it is important that we defeat the UDM in this province and particularly here in Umtata. We cannot be led by the UDM here. The ANC has to take over in order to drive the vision of Chris Hani and genuinely address the needs of the workers and the poor.
10. BUILD THE SACP, BUILD OUR ALLIANCE
The biggest tribute we can give to Chris is by building an independent, dynamic SACP in touch with the workers and the poor. An independent and strong SACP is an indispensable component of our revolution. Without such a Party, the Party of Chris Hani, the voice of the working class will be severely weakened. Such a Party is necessary to ensure that the voice and perspectives of the workers and the poor are the dominant concerns in the transformation process.
Within this context we must ensure that the Alliance is strengthened. We must never allow opportunism of those who might be dreaming of breaking up the Alliance.
11. CONCLUSION
In the past week, in the run-up to 10th anniversary commemoration of cde Chris's death, some journalists have asked the SACP where would Chris be today if he were alive. "Would he be a senior member of cabinet?", one journalist has asked, remembering Hani's own insistence in the early 1990s, that he had no intention whatsoever of becoming a minister. "Would he be labelled an ultra-leftist?", asked another. Maybe, maybe not.
These questions are entirely hypothetical and it would be idle speculation to try to answer them. However, two things ARE certain: One: If he were alive today, in or out of cabinet, Chris Hani, the communist, would be a loyal, active and campaigning supporter of the ANC government, a government of the people for which he fought and died. Two: If he were alive today, in or out of cabinet, Chris Hani, the communist, would speak up, without fear of being labelled, against weaknesses, mistakes and illusions within government, within the ANC, and within the SACP itself.
Let us cherish his memory, let us take forward his communist struggle!