Address to COSATU Congress, September 18, 1997
Blade Nzimande
Comrade President, Comrade General Secretary, international guests, and delegates, this is indeed a very important gathering of therefore necessitates that we seriously use this gathering to reflect on achievements, future
1.1 Since the democratic breakthrough of April 1994, significant advances have been made by the broad liberation movement towards the total liberation of South Africa from an apartheid-colonial society, to a democratic society
1.2 Since this breakthrough, the following are some of the major advances made during the last 3 and a half years:
1.3 A critical component of this victory over apartheid has been the struggles and sacrifices made by the organised labour movement, particularly COSATU
1.4 Therefore, the democratic breakthrough is a victory for organised workers who have the deepest interest in the deepening and consolidation of this phase of the National Democratic Revolution.
2.1 The crisis being currently experienced by the opposition parties is first and foremost an expression of the disintegration of the old apartheid ruling bloc.
2.2 The departure of Roelf Meyer and the resignation of FW de Klerk from the National Party mark the deepest crisis within this party of apartheid and racism.
Of course Roelf Meyer's departure does not mean a new opposition to the NP, but renewed attempts to try and dislocate the ANC and its Allies
2.3 The National Party is faced with an irreconcilable dilemma. On the one hand, it has to consolidate and retain its white Afrikaner base, whilst, on the other hand, it has to reach out to the majority of the black people of this country. It is impossible to reconcile the two, as the NP has to choose between being a party of the white privileged elite, or to abandon its racial character altogether if it is to be part of the emerging democratic order in South Africa
2.4 The IFP - that arch-enemy of the working class and progress in South Africa -is also faced with a similar dilemma. It is caught between being, on the one hand, a neo-feudal, rural based, bantustan, tribal party or being a modern, democratic party based on the principles of an open electoral democracy
2.5 The defeat of the apartheid regime has deprived the IFP of its main line of support, thus forcing it to rely even more on narrow tribalistic support in order to survive in a democratic South Africa. The white right-wing has also been dealt a severe blow with the transition to democracy in our country. The demand for a volkstaat from these forces is nothing but an attempt to secure the white privileges accumulated under apartheid
2.6 The white right wing hopes that by demanding a secluded volkstaat, they can still retain their own racist and exclusive haven for sections of white Afrikaners through which they can maintain their privileged positions.
2.7 However, the crisis in the ranks of the opposition does not necessarily and automatically translate into our own strengths. Nor do the current weaknesses mean that the threat of counter-revolution has completely receded
2.8 There still is a very real threat of counter-revolution, whereby elements of the old order might still want to undermine the emerging democratic order. The gains of our revolution cannot be said to be irreversible. Therefore there is a call for vigilance and the mass mobilisation of our people to defend the gains made by the national democratic revolution thus far. Organised workers have an important role to play, as they stand to benefit most from the consolidation and deepening of the National Democratic Revolution
2.9 Current attempts at alliances by the opposition forces is nothing but an attempt by the old ruling bloc to reconstitute and reposition itself to undermine the transformation process.
3.1 The new global world order, after the end of the Cold War, is not necessarily conducive to the consolidation of the NDR
3.2 Globalisation, as characterised by the dominance of the capitalist system throughout the whole world, is based on the intensification of capitalist exploitation, and particularly the widening of the gulf between developed and developing countries
3.3 However, we should avoid two major mistakes when approaching globalisation. The one error is that of a right-wing, neo-liberal type, whereby the current global order is taken as a given within which developing countries have to fit themselves. That is, for South Africa, as a developing country, to simply become a "municipality" in this "global village".
3.4 The other mistake is that of an ultra-leftist kind. That is for us to merely act as if there is no international capitalist system that is dominant in the world today.
3.5 Our task therefore is to recognise the dominance of the capitalist market worldwide, whilst at the same developing strategies and alliances to challenge the unjust and inequitable world order. This requires that we defend our national sovereignty and forge strategic alliances with other developing countries, in order to bring about a just and equitable world order.
3.6 However, the threat to the NDR does not only come from without, it could possibly come from within. The fact that the post-1994 situation is marked, amongst other things, by the swelling of the ranks of the middle and capitalist class - necessary as this is during the current phase - means that there is a very real possibility for sections of the previously oppressed to pursue the idea of a non-racial capitalist order, where a small section of the black people become part of the capitalist class.
3.7 The fact that thousands of our cadres have moved into positions of responsibility in government drastically swells the ranks of the black middle class. This development is to be welcomed although it does pose its own potential dangers and a basis for the pursuance of a narrow, elitist path.
3.8 Such a scenario could lead to the development of a 30%-70% solution, whereby thirty percent of the population is benefiting from a new capitalist order, and 70% remain outside
3.9 Such a scenario would not be sustainable, since the majority of the people will still be subjected to the same conditions as under apartheid, thus creating a very unstable political order
4.1 All the above point to the intensification of class struggle during this period.
4.2 The present struggles are essentially about shaping the nature and character of post-apartheid society and the post-apartheid state.
4.3 The struggles during the writing of the new constitution, the lock-out clause, the LRA, and the current Basic Conditions of Employment Bill, are essentially about whether a post-apartheid South Africa will be a society or state where the interests of the bourgeoisie are dominant, or be a society where the working class and its allies will be the dominant, if not the hegemonic force.
4.4 The capitalist class is trying by all means to use its economic power to shape the nature of a post-apartheid South Africa. Some of the key elements of the struggle by the capitalist class, together with anti-worker and anti-working class elements, include the following:
4.4.1 Demonisation of organised workers and their characterisation as a "labour aristocracy". We are yet to be convinced that the generally lowly paid workers of this country can ever be regarded as a labour aristocracy. Only yesterday, white workers were described as a labour aristocracy, now today the very same black workers that we all understood as being subjected to super-exploitation are referred to as a labour aristocracy!
4.4.2 This attack on organised workers also take the form of presenting mass struggles by this section of the working class for the betterment of its employment conditions as being "counter-revolutionary" or "unpatriotic". Those who see this current phase of our struggle as an opportunity to get rich quickly under a legitimate government are threatened by the organised power of employed workers.
Their demonisation of legitimate workers' struggle as "counter-revolutionary" is a cover for their own interests in exploitation of the black working class in order to get wealthy as soon as possible.
4.4.3 It is interesting to note that those who call for organised workers to make sacrifices, under the guise of "patriotism", are not at the same time calling for the capitalist class to make sacrifices as well. The SACP completely rejects the notion that it is only organised workers who must make sacrifices for the reconstruction and development of our country
4.4.4 The call for only organised workers to make sacrifices, without calling for the same from white monopoly capital, is essentially a reactionary call for the maintenance of the super-exploitation of the black working class.
4.4.5 Business has not by any means demonstrated how they intend facilitating the reconstruction and development of our country. Instead business argues that the intensification of capital accumulation will translate into the improvement of the conditions of the workers. This is a lie we must not accept.
4.4.6 A further attack on organised workers is that struggles against business are being projected as being anti-government. To argue that a general strike against capital is a strike against the democratic government is a deliberate distortion in order to continue to subject employed workers to the conditions to which they have been subjected under apartheid colonialism and its capitalist system.
4.4.7 Another attack on organised workers is the charge that employed workers are acting against the interests of the working class as a whole, particularly the unemployed workers. We are now being lectured that employed workers do not constitute the entirety of the working class. Both the SACP and COSATU understand this very well, and we do not need to be lectured to on this! We particularly do not need to be lectured to by those forces whose agenda is opposed to that of the working class. But organised workers are the leading detachment of the working class and have the organisational capacity and strength to lead the grassroots struggles of the working class
4.4.8 We are, however, yet to be told by those who argue this point as to how their actions are advancing the interests of the working class as a whole. In other words, the struggles of organised workers is being counterposed to that of the working class, without at the same time having any programme or commitment by the capitalist class to create more jobs. This argument, therefore, amounts to calling upon organised workers not to fight for the betterment of their employment conditions whilst at the same time unemployment increases.
4.5 The realisation of the goals of reconstruction and development is not going to come about through low-wages, but through the payment of decent wages and the establishment of decent conditions of employment as a key component of improving overall productivity and meeting the basic needs of the majority of the people of our country.
4.6 However, by stating this position we are not by any means suggesting that organised and employed workers should be insensitive to the position of the rest of the working class. If there are any sacrifices to be made, they must come from both sides, labour and capital. The SACP challenges business to demonstrate to us what plans they have to create jobs and invest in socially productive sectors in order to realise the upliftment of the immense majority of our people
4.7 At the core of these struggles and bursting out much more forcefully is the attempt to consolidate a post-apartheid South Africa as a capitalist country. It is important that organised workers and the working class as whole, understand this reality so that our struggles to advance the interests of organised workers in the present period should be understood as part of a broader struggle against capitalism and the laying of the foundations for a socialist South Africa.
4.8 A key component of attempts to consolidate South Africa as a capitalist society is the massive push by capital for the privatisation of state assets. As the SACP we are firmly of the view that private capital can never be able to address the basic needs of the majority of the people, even less so in a country like ours.
4.9 There is no evidence whatsoever that private capital can address the scale of needs, inequalities and poverty characteristic of developing countries. Therefore, we should resist privatisation as a strategy for meeting the basic needs of our people
4.10 Our call, and that of the Alliance as a whole, is for a strong,interventionist state and, where necessary, for such a state to strengthen and transform existing parastatals or, where necessary, to create new ones in order to achieve the goals of the RDP. We do not want a neutral or a regulatory state, buta national democratic and developmental state. The question is not whether to privatise or not, but how best to meet the needs of our people during a phase where capital seems powerful and dominant.
4.11 The SACP is also concerned that the seemingly wholesale plunge by many local authorities into privatisation of the provision of many key social services is not being carefully thought through. The Alliance needs to review, as a matter of urgency, what is going on at this level
4.12 Similarly, the struggles around the basic conditions of employment are about whether we should be creating the type of conditions of employment conducive to a highly productive, decently paid workforce or about colonial-type working conditions to entrench cheap labour.
4.13 The SACP recognises the fact that Basic Conditions of Employment Bill has many progressive elements, and is on the whole a progressive measure, in that it will mark a massive improvement of working conditions to millions of workers in the most exploited and backward sectors of our economy, like security services and large sections of the transport industry. However, what business wants is to roll back some of the gains made by organised workers in the various sectors
4.14 On GEAR: The SACP's last central committee, after a year of reflection, discussion and debate, as well as interaction with Alliance partners, came out in opposition to GEAR. The Central Committee made the point that this kind of macro-economic framework is not conducive to the implementation of the RDP
4.15 The Central Committee further noted that after one year, GEAR has led to the cut of the budget deficit in a manner that could seriously hamper social delivery. GEAR had predicted a 1.6% growth in jobs, but instead there has been a shrinkage/job loss of 1,3%
4.16 Some of the leading proponents of GEAR have told us that it is on target, but this raises the question of what are the hard or soft target of GEAR
4.17 So where do we go from here? Surely we cannot as an Alliance spend another year on the macro-economic debate. We believe that the last Alliance summit, and President's own remarks that no policy is cast in stone, sets us on a new path to find one another on this question
4.18 The SACP therefore calls for the development of an industrial strategy aimed at identifying key industrial sectors for development. This must simultaneously address the basic needs of our people and create jobs. It is only within this context that we must develop a macro-economic model that underpins and strengthens such a developmental strategy. There is no example in this century of a developing country, or even a developed country for that matter, emerging from the ruins of war, from economic collapse or colonialism, achieving economic revival led by the capitalist market. Instead, such revivals have been led by a state-driven industrial strategy
4.19 An industrial strategy should be premised upon the central RDP
assumption that there can be no sustainable economic growth that is not centred
on addressing the development needs of our country. Any macro-economic strategy
therefore should
be aimed at reinforcing such a job-creating industrial strategy, rather than the
other way round.
4.20 The forces which are embarking on this intense attack on organised workers are the same forces who are trying by all means to undermine the tripartite alliance.
5.1 The recent Alliance Summit was marked by a renewed commitment from all the allies to the continuation and strengthening of the Alliance. This is a correct stance
5.2 However, much more significant about this recent summit is that there are no sacred cows in terms of policy being pursued by government or any Alliance partner during this period.
5.3 The view of the SACP is that this summit, much as there are still a lot of issues to be thrashed out together, has put us in a qualitatively new situation where key policy measures have to be taken jointly by the Alliance.
5.4 Whilst key differences remain around areas like Gear, this renewed commitment not only to the Alliance but to tackling problems and key policy issues together, puts the Alliance on a very firm footing in the right direction. Indeed, key policy issues and measures need to be jointly discussed, thrashed out and adopted by the Alliance
5.5 Those who want to see the Alliance breaking up, either for political or opportunistic reasons, are going to be disappointed.
5.6 The reason why these forces want the working class and its organs to be separated from the ANC is because they ultimately want to weaken both the ANC and this government, thus frustrating the consolidation and deepening of the NDR.
5.7 Those in the ranks of the Alliance who are calling for the break-up of the Alliance are playing right into the hands of our enemies.
5.8 Furthermore, the ANC is a broad movement that belongs to us all. The ANC equally belongs to the working class, organised workers and communists just as it belongs to all other democrats who believe in the deepening and consolidation of the NDR. As workers, as the working class, as communists, we have all sacrificed to build the ANC and the realisation of the 1994 democratic breakthrough.
5.9 Tensions within the Alliance should not lead to calls for its break-up, but rather focus us on how we should strengthen it, including making the voice of the workers stronger within the ANC itself.
5.10 This matter raises another related question that this Congress should debate. This is the question of what role does COSATU itself want to play as members of the ANC. Should COSATU leaders stand for election in ANC Constitutional Structures? Some of the affiliates point out that COSATU's independence might be compromised. But at the same time the ANC needs to be taken seriously as our movement, even more so by workers and worker leaders, and how to have a workers' voice inside the ANC itself. The SACP urges COSATU to seriously debate this question
6.1 Both our detractors and anti-socialist, anti-communist elements are now asking us what we are talking about when we talk about socialism. We are being asked to define socialism, as if these forces do not know what we are talking about
6.2 There are also serious attempts to discredit the September Commission report by either describing it as anti-ANC or for being vague about what it means by socialism.
6.3 The charge that we are no longer understood about what we mean by socialism is nothing but convenient political amnesia, that is, to forget conveniently what socialism means. It is also a convenient ploy to say to us there is no alternative to capitalism
6.4 In fact, some of those who pretend not to know what socialism means have not participated in the very rich post-Soviet Union debates about the renewal of socialism, but are rather stuck in the textbook Stalinist socialism
6.5 There has been a very rich debate about socialist renewal, starting with Comrade Joe Slovo's "Has Socialism Failed". The September Commission report itself also engages us in a very creative way about the paths to socialism, including the creation of social capital and the building of a truly socialised economy where mass formations play a leading role in economic control and reconstruction
6.6 Perhaps let us remind those doubters what we mean by socialism. Firstly, we mean the end to the ownership of the wealth of the country by a few monopoly capitalists, and for the key sectors of the economy to be in the hands of the actual producers, the workers
6.7 Secondly, by socialism we mean the end to the exploitation of the working class by a minority capitalist class. Socialism means an effective redistribution of a country's resources under the custodianship of the working class and a state led by the working class itself
6.8 The fact that Eastern-European socialism failed, does not mean that socialism has failed. Rather it calls upon us socialists worldwide, and particularly in South Africa, to learn from those errors without departing from our goal of bringing capitalism to an end.
6.9 Capitalism has also failed dismally. It has not managed to address the needs of the overwhelming majority of the people, and even more so in the developing world.
6.10 In order to attain this goal, the SACP is of the view that the struggle for socialism starts during this present period, not in some future. The consolidation of the NDR should lay the basis for a transition to socialism. Hence the SACP's slogan "Socialism is the future, build it now"
6.11 Much more importantly, comrades, the achievement of socialism is not going to come about through endless theoretical debates in the centre pages of the Sunday Times or the SABC - important as it is to debate on these platforms - but through concrete struggles by the working class and its allies to bring about this reality
6.12 Therefore our task is to go out and do agitational work amongst organised workers, the working class and the mass of our people. The consolidation of the NDR in favour of the working class and the bringing about of socialism depends on the balance of forces and the acceptance of socialism by the mass of the people on the ground. It is an organisational task. Socialism will not come about by us trying to endlessly convince those who cannot be convinced
6.13 This therefore calls for the organised workers to resolve once and for all to build the SACP as the political weapon of the working class. Organised workers cannot, on their own, take the struggle against the bosses to its logical political conclusion the defeat of capitalism unless organised and united as a political force, together with the rest of the working class
6.14 This further calls for a creative SACP/trade union co-operation as we have seen with political education activities between the Party and some of the trade unions. This, however, needs to be strengthened and deepened
6.15 Much more importantly, all of us are faced with the need for fundraising and self-sufficiency. Union investments are important in this regard, but these should not merely be seen as fundraising efforts, but a strategic intervention in the economy, as well as the creation of social capital for the working class. These should also be used to strengthen and resource independent working class organisations, not least to assist in building a strong labour movement and the SACP as the political vanguard of the working class.
6.16 We therefore also throw out a challenge to you all comrades. Let us support the SACP's all-important 10th Party Congress next year, if the SACP is to effectively play its role as the political vanguard of the working class
6.17 Furthermore, this means that we need to renew our efforts to build a single, independent and socialist labour federation in our country
6.18 These are some of the tasks that face us in this conference and beyond.