Let me first thank you for giving me the opportunity to contribute to this important debate on academic freedom.
I hope that this series of talks is able to assist the university in reaching a broader consensus as it responds to the urgent task of institutional transformation.
There seems to be a belief that academic freedom is under threat from both the state and the democratic forces as the university undertakes the difficult path of transformation.
The main theme I want to develop tonight is that academic freedom is not in conflict with the transformation process. Quite the reverse. Meaningful academic freedom depends largely on our success in transforming the higher education system. As we seek to create a new society, we turn to education as one of the driving forces to change. But as we've learnt from the Trust and Reconciliation proceedings, if we are to construct a meaningful future, we need to understand and acknowledge our past. As the Czech writer Milan Kundera wrote: "The struggle of men against history is the struggle of memory over forgetfulness". And this is articularly important when weconsider the meaning of academic freedom. It is not a timeless concept constructed in an ivory tower.
Academic freedom exists in concrete institutions caught in particular historical moments. Our universities were constructed by the architect of apartheid. They were an integral part of that failed attempt at social engineering. It is true, the historically-white universities enjoyed a measure of freedom that was denied to those set aside for blacks. And at times, academics have used this space to challenge apartheid. They have also played a part in educating and training the present leadership.
I myself completed my studies at the University of Natal. But the universities were still products of the apartheid order. We still have to deal with that legacy. We have to question the ways it still defines our higher education institutions.
In 1993 only one in 16 Africans received any higher education. Most of these students were concentrated in the historically-black universities. Most were undergraduates. Humanities students, not scientists. While more than 8 out of 10 of all research articles and masters and doctorate degrees came from the iorically-white universities.
This legacy imposes a responsibility and a challenge to this university. A challenge to question the limited to the academic freedom that existed in the apartheid era. And to create a deeper and more meaningful academic freedom as citizens of our unfolding democracy.
We also need to look at the structures of governance we have inherited from the apartheid order. Since it is these structures that define the limits to the freedom experienced by academics, students and the broader university community. The question of academic freedom is integrally linked to the transformation of the structures. And when I talk of talk of transformation, I do not mean that we simply have change the faces that serve on these councils. We have to change the roles the councils play.
Many university councils merely endorse the administrative decisions of management. In fact, they should be seen as crucial instruments in implementing, evaluating and monitoring the transformation of our institutions. It is not enough for the university to adopt a progressive mission statement. University councils need to examine the extent to which these missions are translated into concrete objectives. It is through the councils that broad national priorities can be translated into a programme of action for the University. The councils should be taking up policy matters relating to access, redress and curriculum transformation. They can take up issues such as the implementation of labour relations policy in the university. And they should be looking at the amendments to the University Bills. It is the councils that can ensure that all stakeholders participate in discussing the University Bills.
If this consensus is reached at the university level, then our role in parliament is simply to endorse that decision. It is only when the university fails to reach consensus that we are forced to intervene as arbitrators. It is important not to overlook the role of the Broad Transformation Forums in initiating the transformation process. But the establishment of Broad Transformation Forums cannot be seen as a substitute for the transformation of University Councils. Because if this happens, the whole question of institutional transformation will become marginalised.
The question of transforming the curriculum is of course at the heart of academic freedom. I don't have any prescriptions. No magic solutions. But there are certain questions that need to be raised. Of course, the question of transforming the curriculum is best driven by the university itself - and by the various stakeholders. But this process should flow out of the mission and objectives of the university. As we all know, knowledge is not universal. There are certain assumptions behind what is taught - and these need to be analysed in the teaching process. Curriculum transformation should not be resisted in the name of academic freedom. It is a process that can draw on the wealth of creative energy among lecturers, students and university administrators - in developing our own unique vision for teaching in the South African context.
The Government's commitment to fundamental human rights and freedoms can be seen in our new Constitution - which has been hailed as one of the most progressive constitutions in the world. The right to academic freedom has been guaranteed in the Bill of Rights. But the right to academic freedom should not be confused with the right to institutional autonomy. While a degree of institutional autonomy is important for the health of the higher education system - this must be balanced with the need to create a co-ordinated higher education system that is responsive to the national needs for reconstruction and development. The task of negotiating a workable relationship between the state, the broader education community and university administrations is one of the greatest challenges facing the higher education sector. The success of this process will depend on our ability to agree on the different roles of these sectors. We must learn from the disastrous experience of many African states undergoing transition.
In the absence of a clear framework for higher education, many governments have been drawn into destructive interference in the internal affairs of institutions. But this must be seen as a sign of weakness of state institutions in these countries, rather than simply the actions of an all-powerful state.
Our present government has demonstrated its unwillingness to be drawn into such a position, despite the crisis that have hit higher education. The answer is not university autonomy, which will simply maintain the status quo and perpetuate the crisis. The role of the state is to provide a framework and establish processes through which institutions and the broader university community can define the content of transformation in line with national policy objectives. I am not ruling out direct state intervention in response to particular situations. But the primary role of the state is to establish a framework at a systematic level that will facilitate meaningful transformation. And clearly, universities have every right to resist the state when it undermines the objectives emerging from the university mission statement.
Ideally, institutional transformation should be driven by the university in a process that includes all stakeholders.
Finally, I would like to call upon all of you at the university to work together to respond to present challenges. The universities have a crucial role to play in educating and training our country's future leaders. And in developing the research capacity that will assist us in transforming our society. Don't throw away your historical advantages, your reputation, and your potential to make a contribution to our new society. For the first time in SA's history we have a democratically elected government. Bound by a democratic constitution. Committed to promoting equality, accessibility and excellence.
We have created the conditions in which meaningful academic freedom can for the first time flourish in our country. But it is up to you to give substance to these values in your institution. We'll keep our half of the bargain. Now you should keep yours. And together we will forge a new academic partnership for the new South Africa.
Dr Blade Nzimande,
MP, Chairman, Government Committee on Education and on Government committees
on Labour, Art, Culture, Science and Technology.
22 August 1996
Debate with Wits Professor Charles Simkins, who holds the Helen Suzman
Chair of Political Economy.
The topic: Do we need to rethink academic freedom in the new South Africa?