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July 1998 

COSATU Inaugural Central Committee

Address by 1st Vice President - Connie September

Following on from resolutions at its 6th National Congress last year, COSATU held its inaugural Central Committee (CC) from 22-25 June in Johannesburg. The CC, mandated to discuss and decide on important policy issues, was attended by over 500 delegates from all COSATU affiliates. Below is an edited version of cde September's speech to the CC.

With only 12 years since our launch, we in this Inaugural Central Committee present a comprehensive strategy to effectively deal with the socio-economic ills our country inherited from capitalism and apartheid misrule.

We are doing so not with any arrogance.  We know we do not have monopoly of ideas on these issues.  We are doing so from the practical experience we have about effects of jobs losses, unemployment and poverty. We are providing alternatives to the current mainstream thinking motivated by our practical experience as part of a broader working class.  The proposals we make are informed by our vision for overcoming the bitter experience of life under apartheid and capitalism. This is COSATU's unique contribution to policy debate in South Africa and it is the most viable vision for truly bringing democracy and equality to post-apartheid South Africa.

Capitalism despite attempts to dress it in a human cloth, will not address the social ills of our society. The growing power and influence of this evil system which depends entirely on exploitation of the majority so that the rich can become richer and the poor poorer, poses new challenges to workers in South Africa and elsewhere in the world to renew their commitment to end its reign of terror. All over the world unemployment is on the rise, homelessness is the order of the day, ignorance is growing, and millions of children are exploited by industries in the name of free market forces.

To us, the struggle continues until all this evil is behind us.  International worker solidarity will always be relevant. Militancy and mass struggle will intensify until we defeat this monster and replace it with human system where workers and others arginalised from power, through their organisations and political parties put themselves fully in charge of both political and economic power.  This will be a system that will emphasize jobs for all, houses for all, education and training for all, food for all and health for all.

The challenge we face in this Inaugural Central Committee is to ensure that the policies we adopt and reaffirm have elements of making us realise our dream of socialism.  As we confront this challenge, we remember many of the fallen heroes and heroines and take strength from the fact that if they were still around they would be in this hall together with us.

About a month ago, the world was celebrating the 50th anniversary of the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs - GATT, now called World Trade Organisation (WTO).  Many of the third world and developing countries had nothing to celebrate, they were instead mourning the loss of power of democratically elected governments, whose capacity to put in place policies to deal with unemployment and poverty in their countries, has been severely curtailed. Even today attempts are being made to use institutions, such as the WTO, which were meant to regulate trade between nations, to increase the power of multinational corporations and decrease the power of trade unions and democratic governments. This is hypocritical because powerful countries, are trying to prevent developing countries from using the very mechanisms which they used in their own development.

We are told that "there is no alternative" to this.  We are told this is the new reality, and all we must do is to play in this crazy game. But, at this Inaugural Central Committee, COSATU will build on positions taken at last year's Congress and map out a programme to challenge these and other negative aspects of globalisation. We will commit ourselves to be international campaigners for a new enlightened world-order based on a solid commitment to workers rights, human rights and basic social and environmental standards.  We will also commit ourselves to continue pushing our government to play a forthright role in using South Africa's engagements with our neighbours in SADC, the ILO, WTO, Non Aligned Movement, OAU and United Nations to advance a vision of a democratised new world order.

In regards to the current political and economic situation, our rejection of GEAR is not a narrow ideological stance or just playing an oppositional role as some of our distracters would like the country to believe.  It is not a position to just show the country that we are independent from our Alliance partners.  There is mounting evidence for all who still have eyes to see, pointing to the correctness of the position we took on GEAR. GEAR has failed because it is an inappropriate growth model for our economy, focused not on the interests of the majority, but on the selfish short-term interests of certain sections of the business community.

Two years into GEAR workers and their families are really beginning to feel its pinch.  GEAR's rigid deficit and revenue targets have meant a very limited implementation of the RDP.  Despite the RDP's promise, the job crisis is worsening and many of us face the loss of our jobs, or we fear that we will never be able to find a good job. Education, housing and social services have not been expanded sufficiently to overcome our apartheid legacy, and many working in the public service find themselves with the axe of retrenchment hanging over their heads. GEAR must go, and it must go now, so that we can see the full implementation of the RDP.

What we got in return has been utter arrogance, refusal to listen and engage, and implementation of GEAR in all fronts.  Our jobs are on the line. Last year alone the economy shed more than 120 000 jobs. Wages of blue collar workers has been going down whilst productivity of workers has been on the rise since 1992.  Profits of most companies are breaking records. The wage gap is increasing.  No significant steps have been taken to shift the tax burden from the poor to the rich.

This time around we cannot afford the luxury of writing more speeches. Our members have had enough of speeches they now demand a clear programme of action that will help them defend their jobs.  They are calling on this Central Committee to make a clear call on them to occupy the streets in demand of an equitable tax policy.  They want decent houses and public transport. They are in demand of an industrial policy that will help protect their jobs and create more jobs for their unemployed family members.  Our members who carry the burden of providing social security net for the unemployed demand that this role be shifted to the state. Our distracters are not listening but their arrogance is growing.  Our members cannot be expected to fold their arms and believe this nonsense that the economy will initially lose jobs and then 15 years down we will see more jobs being created.

We have a responsibility not only to our members but to all South Africa's poor and working people, employed and unemployed, to take up these issues and build mass campaigns around them. The days of militant struggles led by our shop stewards are now needed.  Let's issue a notice to all those clinging to an unworkable and failed GEAR, that COSATU has run out of patience.

We must draw a concrete programme of action to take up this issues at the street level as the boardroom has clearly failed to deliver.  We must in particular campaign for:

Job creation and against the carnage of job losses.

Redistribution of wealth through:

increased government spending on education, housing delivery,health and other social needs;

equitable tax policy that will shift the tax burden from the poor to the rich.

This campaign, whilst it should have a clear focus, at the same time should help us to raise all issues negatively affecting our members now. It should shift the balance of forces in favour of the working class and create space for an engagement on issues we are raising.

One of the elements of our campaign should be to consolidate and defend the gains which we have made over the past four years. COSATU and its affiliates must take the responsibility of ensuring that where advances have been made on paper - in the statute books - these come to have a real impact on the lives of workers and their families.  For example, we must equip each other to be able to effectively use our rights under the new Labour Relations Act, empower newly appointed trustees and members of our pension funds to properly represent working class interests, and work in our communities to realise the fruits of land redistribution procedures and democratised structures of schools governance.

We must also actively support progressive interventions that have been made by our government Ministers as we often leave the space to reactionary elements who are attempting to curb the transformative potential of our democratically elected government.

COSATU will, under no circumstances, allow a reversal of the gains which workers have made through recent labour legislation.  Neither will we allow the new attempts to delay the Presidential Jobs Summit to succeed.  Business must form a new political party, or ask the DP and UDM to adopt their policies, so that they can put these prescriptions to the electorate. The ANC is not their party and they should stop attempting to use the ANC to do their dirty work.

It is clear to all who follow the country's events that we have made significant gains through the political power attained through the 1994 elections.  We did not use the transition to only consolidate and deepen political power but also to deepen social transformation. With elections in a years time, contradictions between parties in parliament are there for all to see.  There is no party on earth that does not represent certain class interests.  Parties are lining up to secure as many concessions for their class and race interests as possible.

To COSATU, its 2 million members and their families, these parties simply do not represent our interests. The ANC remains the only force capable of winning the elections which together with its Alliance Partners can bring about fundamental transformation of our society in the manner that will benefit the working class.  The call of our 6th National Congress for all our members to mobilise for a decisive victory of the ANC in the elections is not based on blind and religious loyalty.  It is based on concrete analysis of the current political condition and from a conviction that the ANC and the Alliance present to workers and the country the only vehicle towards a truly free, non racial, non sexist and democratic society.  

BUILD PEOPLE'S POWER!  BUILD SOCIALISM NOW!

The 10th SACP Congress held in memory of our assassinated General Secretary, Chris Hani, took place at the Shaft 17 Conference Centre, Johannesburg, from 1-5 July.

There were 448 elected branch delegates, in addition to the 30 Central Committee members, in attendance. Delegations from the ANC, COSATU, the ANC Women's League, Youth League, the student formations and SANCO also attended.

There are several key political objectives that we set for ourselves in this Congress.  The first critical task is to assess the past four years since April 1994.  In our Central Committee Congress discussion documents, we argue that we are in the midst of a vast process of social transformation, and that major achievements have already be won, in the short space since the first elections.  Insofar as we, as a broad ANC-led liberation movement, have not achieved all that we hoped, this is usually because of external constraints.  However, we believe that there have also been strategic shortcomings over this period.

As the SACP we are happy to claim joint responsibility for the huge gains made by our country, but we are also prepared to accept collective responsibility for the strategic shortcomings in our movement's performance.

The four areas that we believe need strategic strengthening are:

A better understanding of global realities, and a better and more robust understanding of what we have to do as South Africans in order to ensure that we do not lose our transformational agenda in attempting to please transnational investors;

A different macro-economic framework.  The SACP has argued over the last two years that GEAR is an inappropriate policy, and that it often throttles the good social and economic transformation that we are, at the same time, endeavouring to embark upon.

Major struggles to transform the public sector into a more effective developmental state are essential.  We have, collectively, often fallen into narrow managerialist ways of exercising state power, and this has sometimes opened up a gap between our mass constituency and our movement in government.  We need an active, developmental state to transform society.  But we also need mobilised popular forces in society to transform the state, and therein lies the fourth strategic challenge:

Our grass-roots branch and other structures have often been demobilised in the last period. Where mobilisation occurs, it is often directed by ANC-alliance formations at the ANC in government.  We need to ensure a much more coherent strategic convergence of effort between our mass-based formations and our efforts in government.

These are perspectives that we shall be presenting, as the Central Committee, to our Congress.  We will be testing these perspectives with our delegates and, above all, we will be seeking action-oriented programmatic resolutions to improve the strategic coherence of our work.

This 10th Congress occurs also in the midst of preparations for the Tripartite Alliance Summit, which we hope will convene towards the end of July.  While we regretted the postponement of the Summit, we also appreciated that the postponement was made for the correct reasons.  Indeed, we agreed to postpone.  The Summit is not a photo opportunity, or a cosmetic public display of unity for electoral purposes.  The preparations for the Summit have been characterised by intensive preparation.  We want the Summit to be an effective policy-making process.  This Congress must strengthen our collective preparations for the Alliance Summit.

Congress must also be used to give greater practical content to our socialist perspectives.  At our last Congress, three years ago, the SACP made an important strategic shift.  It was a shift that was captured in our 9th Congress slogan - "Socialism is the Future, Build it Now!".

We have shifted away from the idea that socialism is some distant event, or new Jerusalem.  Socialism is certainly a vision and an ideal, but it is something that has to be struggled for here in the present.  We believe that it is both possible, and necessary, to struggle for momentum towards, capacity for, and elements of socialism in the present.

A notable feature of the 10th Congress is the encouraging international interest.  Over 70 international delegates are in attendance, from our region, from elsewhere in Africa, and indeed from all continents. Some of the delegates represent Communist and progressive parties that are in power in their countries, others represent mass parties that exercise very substantial political influence in their countries.  The idea that socialism has disappeared globally is something that is challenged, both in our theoretical discussions, and, practically with the evidence of international participation in the 10th SACP Congress.  

Struggle in Indonesia

Interview with Edwin Gozal, International Representative of the People's Democratic Party

Although the Suharto regime has now been replaced, the new government, under the leadership of President Habibie, continues the same authoritarian tradition. At the centre of the ongoing struggle is the People's Democratic Party (PRD), the largest mass opposition organisation in Indonesia.

Umsebenzi:  Tell our readers a bit about the history of the formation of the PRD.

Gozal: We began with the student movement in late 1980s and early 90s, the young generation of Indonesian students who showed a revived interest in left wing ideas and in building student worker solidarity. For the first time we built a nation-wide students organisation called SMID ( Students In Solidarity for Democracy in Indonesia). This student's organisation became the backbone for the formation of progressive organisations such as STN ( National Peasants Union) in 1993 and PPBI (Indonesian Centre for Labour Struggle) in 1994. On 2 May 1994, radical activists from those organisations formed a new organisation to campaign for democratic change in Indonesia and as umbrella organisation for SMID, STN and PPBI. The new organisation was called Persatuan Rakyat Demokratik  (People's Democratic Union). The PDU's development was hampered following disagreements in late 1994 between central office holders and the bulk of its local representatives. The disagreement was over the priority that needed to be given to militant mass action. A new provisional presidium was elected in August 1995 following a meeting of representatives from the their city support bases. In April 1996, we held an extraordinary congress of the People's Democratic Union and transformed it into the People's Democratic Party (Partai Rakyat Demokratik/PRD). On 27 July 1996, the military regime took over PDI (Indonesian Democratic Party) headquarters that provoked riots from angry PDI supporters. The government accused PRD of masterminding the riots and decided to go after all the members of PRD. Since then, PRD and all it's affiliates have been officially banned through the decision of the Minister of Home Affairs.

Umsebenzi:  What is the basic political programme of the PRD and its general perspectives on revolutionary struggle in Indonesia?

Gozal: The basic political programme of the PRD consists of our ideological, political and organisational components. On the ideological front we need to confront the ideology of the oppressors and exploiters within Indonesian capitalist society, we need to build a true people's consciousness which will be able to lead a democratic change. Politically, our programme revolves around the determination of tactics and strategies that need to be taken by the people toward achieving these targets, so that our democratic struggle with all of its social, political and economic elements can become a reality. In other words, mass
political struggle must be developed and must be able to build a country with a popular multi-party society. Organisationally, the PRD is beyond just standing at the head of a spontaneous people's movement, it is the bearer of progressive consciousness. The PRD should be an organisational weapon of the people in their democratic struggle and beyond that.

Our general perspective on revolutionary struggle in Indonesia is the revolution can be won based on the consensus of the people. The PRD considers that an organisation that is supported by the masses needs to be built. As long as these people have not been mobilised into thedemocratic struggle, our organisation will not been able to confront the military regime and
domineering power of capitalism. However the process of the people's struggle should not be understood as a process which begins as an economic struggle and proceeds toward a political one. This can lead us toward economism and create a false political consciousness of the masses. So we don't formulate a programme which adapts to the masses consciousness, but rather we put forward a programme to the masses, a programme which takes into account objective historical reality.

Umsebenzi:  What has been the character of PRD involvement in the recent events leading to the
resignation of Suharto and what is it's approach to the new Habibie regime?

Gozal: Firstly, I would like to explain a bit about the PRD's present status. After PRD were officially banned, we were forced to remain underground. We still maintained our network and organising at the grass root level, not under the banner of the PRD, but under worker and human rights groups. Due to this atmosphere, some people thought that the PRD had been smashed and eliminated by the regime. But they didn't realise that it was the PRD which was behind strike committees and human rights group who lead many struggles.

During the recent upheaval in Indonesia, the PRD displayed their banner during the last day of occupation of parliament. The PRD began distributing political leaflets in its own name and our statements were read in front of the students, receiving a strong, positive response. It was not the first time the PRD had intervened in mass upheavals. The PRD has played an important role since last January, when we had spent a lot of energy in organising and building a united front among student groups and workers. Student mobilisation in Jakarta in the last ten weeks have been organised through the Forum Kota (City Forum) involving activists from 40 campuses. Forum Kota is the result of PRD intervention since last January. Some of the student demands such as a repeal of the five repressive political laws, nationalisation of the assets of Suharto's family, his relatives and his cronies, are the result of the consistency of PRD demanding those kind of demands over the last three years.

In responding to the new Habibie administration, we have a clear standpoint that we must not be deceived by Habibie's tricks. The Habibie administration is Suharto's puppet despite its recent announcement of concessions, including the release of seven political prisoners and the holding of early elections in 1999. But, the Habibie family is still a major share holder in around 60
companies that have been built through his connections with General Suharto. We will not be deceived by the compromise from Habibie but will continue to hold mass actions so that total reform can truly begin. Total reform means: Suharto, his family and his loyalists must be arrested and tried in a free and independent court; new multi-party elections must be held and organised by an independent institution; the assets of Suharto, Habibie, and their cronies must be nationalised; the five repressive political laws and dual function of armed forces must be abolished (not just reviewed); and a referendum to determine the future of East Timor must be held under the supervision of the UN and all political prisoners must be released without exception.

Umsebenzi:  What is the PRD's present strategic and tactical assessment of the struggle (both in Indonesia and internationally) in the context of the 'new' agenda of global capital?

Gozal: The integrated nature of global capitalist power with the support of government's who have no respect for human beings, necessitates an international resistance against it. For that reason, the PRD will actively support and participate in all international  forums and actions which are of a grassroots character and are opposed to oppression. We have a common enemy, neo liberalism and imperialism. So, in this atmosphere, international solidarity of pro-people organisations is very important. If we win the democratic struggle in Indonesia, it will be a big problem to succeed the government who has a foreign debt that is estimated at more than US $100 billion. Imperialism, chiefly by US, Japan, and EU won't tolerate democracy in the sense of people participation, they just want to talk market democracy. So, the internationalism is very necessary in this struggle.

Umsebenzi:  What is the PRD's approach to other countries political and economic relations with the present Indonesian regime and in particular, that of South Africa?

Gozal: The PRD calls for democratic governments around the globe to withdraw their support to the New Order Regime, with or without Suharto. We also call for supporting the pro democratic forces in Indonesia. Cut all the military ties with the Indonesian military and cut all financial assistance for the New Order administration. Under the current regime, your financial
assistance won't be channelled to the people, it will go directly to Indonesia's ruling class and bourgeoisie. For South Africa in particular, we also call for the cutting of economic ties with the New Order Regime. When Suharto went to South Africa, he tried to strengthen ties between the economic block called " Southern Africa Development Community"(SADC), and the person who is playing an important role in economic cooperation between the South African and Indonesian governments, Theo Sambuaga (now  Minister of Housing and Settlement in Habibie's cabinet). We call on Nelson Mandela to continue his pressure on the Habibie administration for the release of Xanana Gusmao, the leader of the East Timorese people, as well as demanding the release of all political prisoners, including PRD leaders and members of the old Communist Party.

Umsebenzi:  Is there anything you would like to say directly to the progressive forces in South Africa?

Gozal: We are asking for support from the progressive forces in South Africa to put pressure on your government to withdraw their support to the New Order regime, cut economic ties and call for the release of all political prisoners.

10th Congress Discussion Documents Towards a Political Programme

Umsebenzi highlights some of the key points contained in the main discussion documents that were prepared for the 10th National Congress.

The South African Revolution in its International Context

Apartheid South Africa was never seriously isolated from the world but rather a part of a broader world colonial/imperialist system

While capitalism has always been associated with globalising tendencies, more recent developments have produced major technical advances, vast growth and integration of financial markets and the growth of transnational investment, production and marketing

Globalisation is being used ideologically, as a set of neo liberal prescriptions whereby transnational corporations and imperialist governments actively manage, protect, subsidise and generally dominate the markets, while hypocritically calling on 'third world' societies to open up their markets to unfettered access

This new phase of capitalist globalisation is resulting in deepening global inequality within and between countries, increased gender oppression and economic instability

We must wage an unrelenting battle against the gospel of TINA ("There is no Alternative") through: consolidation of national sovereignty; sustainable reconstruction and development; strengthening the southern African region; an anti-imperialist African Renaissance; developing numerous multi-lateral ties; and strengthening progressive multi-lateral forums

We must commit ourselves to deepening our internationalism through a consistent anti-imperialism, solidarity with the oppressed, propagating national self determination, guarding against xenophobia and fundamentalism and advancing our connections with progressive and left allies

A Socialist Approach to the Consolidation and Deepening of the NDR

The character of the NDR must be directed at the challenges of overcoming national, class and gender contradictions in the struggle to consolidate democracy, reconstruction and development

We must reject attempts to confine the present phase of the NDR to a 'deracialisation" of capitalism, but rather maintain a consistent class perspective. Likewise we cannot treat gender oppression as a "side issue" but must struggle to progressively eradicate patriarchal oppression. Finally, the centrality of the 'national question' must be reaffirmed wherein the historically oppressed black majority continues to be the major social base for a transformation agenda

There have been major achievements since April 1994 in the areas of infrastructural development, health care, transformation of the labour market, women's emancipation and educational transformation but there have also been strategic shortcomings in a misunderstanding of our location within global realities, macro-economic policy, lack of consistency in building a strong, developmental state and a tendency to demobilise the mass popular movement

While there are threats to the democratic transformation, the counter-revolutionary threat does not come mainly from the right or from the constitutional opposition forces. Rather, the greatest threat comes from the strategic impact upon our alliance from forces fundamentally hostile to the NDR, specifically from capital's attempt to stabilise a new 'deracialised" capitalist ruling bloc, under the mantle of the ANC itself

To effectively counter this threat, we must press ahead with the national democratic transformation as a thorough-going revolutionary transformation under the hegemonic leadership of the workers and poor

Our Marxism

Historically, we have described our Party as 'Marxist-Leninist" which has meant that we have understood our Party as one of revolution, of internationalism and as a vanguard. All of these organisational characteristics have been consistently adapted to the realities of the South African struggle

After 1990 the Party chose to assume responsibility for its legacy, its strengths and weaknesses, and through discussion and debate, to work for the renewal of the socialist project within our country and internationally

This has meant moving beyond simple 'reform' and 'revolution' contrasts and understanding that the 1994 breakthrough was the product of a combination of armed insurrectionary struggles, negotiations, elections and sustained mass pressure. In other words, we must understand that our struggle has been, and continues to be, transformational and mass-driven as applied to the

new conditions we face. Similarly, our internationalism has had to adapt to the opening up of new international solidarity possibilities as a result of capitalist globalisation.

The resolution to be a "mass vanguard" Party in the early 1990s described the kind of role we hoped to play, and while this has served us well this remains an area of ongoing assessment and debate

As part of being a "mass vanguard" we must continue to take theory seriously, to ensure it is dynamic and relevant to the present. This means paying greater attention to the limitations of "productivism", overcoming the tendency to be blind to gender oppression and a neglect of environmental sustainability. In taking our theory seriously though, we must constantly test it against present realities and place our struggles within our own South African context.

We must make a decisive break with dogma as we struggle to make our theory relevant. This means we must understand that our 'communism' has to be receptive and relevant  to people with different perspectives (e.g. religious), and that there are many ways of being a communist.

Economic Transformation

Our vision for economic transformation is shaped by our conviction that the capitalist system is ultimately incapable of meeting the needs of working people and the poor

With the multiple crises left behind by the apartheid system, the Party is convinced that the integrated approach to growth and development as captured in the alliance RDP programme, remains the only way forward. Such an integrated developmental growth strategy has as its objectives: redistribution of income and wealth; addressing basic needs; empowerment of the

historically oppressed; human resource development; and democratisation

While there have been a number of achievements since the 1994 breakthrough, a number of challenges remain in the areas of jobless growth, redistribution and black economic empowerment, where we see the need for a consolidation and acceleration of programmes to deal  with such challenges

'globalisation' has to be understood both as describing certain real and objective changes in the operation of global capitalism, and as an ideologically driven policy prescription located within the imperialist stage of capitalist development.

As part of our strategic and pro-active engagement with this changed global economy the Party must campaign for: a clear trade strategy that gives priority to South-South trade; an industrial policy that promotes employment and focuses on the provision of basic needs and services; reform of the uneven and unequal character of present tariff policy and associated

liberalisation; greater recognition of special needs of developing countries; and regulation of currency and capital markets to reduce the impact of speculative movements

The Party's approach to macro-economic policy must be to see the management of the macro-economy as an instrument of a broader development-oriented growth strategy. As part of this approach the Party believes: macro-economic policy must be subject to periodic review and adopted in the context of economic and social conditions; macro-economic constraints must be

attacked in creative ways that seek to transform historical ownership patterns and promote redistribution; exchange controls must be reviewed in light of speculative pressures on the economy

Unemployment in South Africa is a product of capitalist development under apartheid and our approach to job creation must seek to promote basic needs producing sectors and non-tradable service industries as well as black economic empowerment through cooperative and collective ventures, assisted by the state

The Party supports a developmental state oriented towards working people and the poor whose role it is to: provide essential social services as basic rights; implement an integrated developmental programme based on the four pillars of the RDP; promote redistribution through active policy intervention; respond to market failures through active state intervention; and restructure itself through reorganisation and transformation of state departments, developing new capacity and expansion of state assets in crucial areas of social delivery

International Delegations to SACP 10th National Congress

Internationalism has always been a central feature of the SACP. It thus comes as no surprise that international participation at the SACP 10th Congress consisted of no less than thirty-five delegations from communist and socialist organisations.

Communist Party of Australia Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Communist Party of Austria  Japanese Communist Party 
Communist Party of Britain  Communist Party of Lesotho 
Botswana National Front  Norwegian Communist Party
Bulgarian Socialist Party Portugese Communist Party 
Chinese Communist Party  Refoundation Communist Party of Italy 
Communist Party of Cuba Communist Party of Scotland 
Democratic Left (UK)  Communist Party of Spain 
Democratic Socialist Party (Australia) Progressive Party of Working People (Cyprus) 
Communist Party of Denmark  PUDEMO (Swaziland) 
FRETELIN (East Timor)   R.N.B. (Gabon) 
French Communist Party Social Democratic Front (Cameroun)
Party of Democratic Socialism (Germany)   Socialist Labour Party (UK) 
German Communist Party  Tudeh Party of Iran 
Communist Party of India  Vanster Partiat (Sweden)
Communist Party of India (Marxist) ZANU-PF (Zimbabawe)
Communist Party of Israel  Zambian Democratic Congress

 

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